Closing in on the closed sho

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Ikrow he won't listen to you, but you should listen to LEN MURRAY of the TUC has responded to the CBI's call for new, tougher anti-union laws by saying that the TUC will break off informal links with the CBI.

Just so no-one got over-excited, the TUC also assured the press that "TUC and CBI Len Murray leaders meet regularly at tormal tunctions like the National Economic Development Council and the Manpower Services Commission [which runs the infamous YOP schemes] and there is no question of these links being severed".

The main point of the informal talks was anyway for the TUC to try to coax the CBI into making a joint approach to the Tory government in favour of import controls.

Since that effort has failed, the loss of one extra whisky-andsandwiches session is not too big a gesture for the TUC leaders.

But breaking off collaboration with the Tories and the bosses is the right direction to move. Only, the TUC and the should do it seriously.

All trade unions should be withdrawn from the NEDC and MSC and similar bodies, and from national.

ised industry boards.

Labour MPs should start systematically obstructing the Tories' work in Parliament, and Labour councils should defy the cuts.

That way, we could make sure that the labour movement was not helping the Tories govern - and that a signal could be given for a mass fightback through direct action capable of stopping any new anti-union laws.

Mr roy THE TORY government is closing in on the closed shop, It now seems almost certain that a Bill will be introduced in the Autumn placing, further limits on workers' rights to forcé 100% trade union membership.

In 1980, Employment Minister James Prior won his battle in the Cabinet to limit what went into the Employment Act. He argued then that diluted medicine was less likely to produce convulsions and immediate confrontations like those Heath had faced with the Industrial Relations Act.

His idea was that once the Tories' economic policies had zapped shop floor strength, once falling membership made union leaders even more reluctant to lead a fightback, once the Act has become an established part of the industrial furniture, then would be the time to build further on its foundations.

Six months ago Prior and his base in the Tory Party and in industry had to pay the price for this line of argument, in the Green Paper on Trade Union Immunities.

It outlined and discussed the more draconian measures supported by Andrew Hornung reports from the Labour Party jobs march in Cardiff on July 4th.

THE CROWDS lying listlessly in Pontcanna Fields after the march looked dejectedly towards the platform, from which a choir sang such political anthems as "I'm just a girl who can't say 'no»s "People will say we're in love" 'Swing Low Sweet Chariot" and "Hava Nagilah"

Denzil Davies MP, the first speaker of the afternoon's rally, evoked a little response against the odds when he reminded the audience that 'Hitler came to power in the 1930s on the back of unemployment, not on the back of inflation"

Then Ron Hayward, General Secretary of the Labour Party, took the platform and read out a message of greeting to the marchers from someone who couldn't be there. Still no response.

Then he said that the message was from Tony Benn. Suddenly the audience came alive. The cheering started, the audience got to its feet to give the absent Benn a standing ovation, clapping their hands overhead and chanting, •Tony Benn, Tony Benn!"

After a couple of minutes Hayward called for quiet, but the audience wanted to make its message unmistakably clear:

they were Benn supporters. They wanted Foot on the platform to hear their message. They wanted Healey — grinning to cover his embarrassment _ to hear the message:

the rank and file want Benn for Deputy Leader.

It took several more minutes until the marchers were sure they had made their point.

The platform was full Labour Party and trade the right wing - proposals that had been part of the Tories' baggage for nearly twenty years.

Here once more were to be found proposals for make collective agreements legally binding; to limit blacking, picketing and the closed shop; to allow employers to sue unions directly instead of going for individual members and officials, thus hitting union funds; and to introduce secret ballots and cooling off periods before strike action.

But the whole emphasis was on caution and realism, and the problems of enforcing these measures were heavily underlined.

Prior saw this document as the basis for inaction. He even introduced far-reaching questions, such as whether the whole basis of trade union law should be fundamentally remoulded to give positive rights rather than the present negative immunities which give unions piecemeal protection against other laws.

There would be, Prior considered, a confused reunion worthies... chairpersons of this, General Secretaries of that, MPs for this constituency and executive members of that committee. Not one was now involved in direct action in defence of jobs, many never had been.

Not one referred to actual struggles. There was no mention of strikes, of occupations, of pickets or solidarity action.

We sat through Eric Varley's calls for 'social cohesion and social harmony, through Alan Fisher's lame rhetoric, through Stan Orme's warnings about the growth of the fascist right, his attacks on the Militant tendency and his nationalist economic programme, through Eric Heffer's advocacy of the left's Alternative Economic Strategy and Michael Foot's completely indeterminate 'alternative' strategy «We'll borrow, that's what the capitalists do... " - until Denis Healey rose to spunise which would enable him to buy time.

He reckoned without the dissatisfaction among employers and Tories with Government policies, as inflation remains high, wage rates decline too slowly, bankruptcies continue apace and the unions have suffered no decisive defeat.

He also underestimated the tenacity of Thatcher, and the aggressive anti-union mood among Tory MPs and bosses wanting to pile on the pressure while the unions are on the defensive' Having personally orchestrated the Joanna Harris case in Parliament and the media, Thatcher's advisors (notably John Hoskyns, head of her Policy Unit) called meetings of big bosses at Downing Street to synchronise their response to the Green Paper.

Industrialists, the Observer pointed out, 'were left in no doubt what the Prime Minister wanted to see. Her supporters Geoffrey Howe and Keith Joseph were kept fully informed and the rank and speak.

Again the crowd sprang to life: ''Tony Benn!

Tony Benn!", , "Healey out!", 'Off, off, off!"

Healey tried to bulldoze on, hoping the hecklers would get tired, but it was no good. Finally Foot had to rescue him.

Using his dwindling popularity with South Wales workers, Foot appealed for Healey to be heard.

Again the right wing's candidate for the Deputy Leadership started a recitation of Thatcher's crimes.

Gradually the heckling grew again. Healey turned away from attacking Thatcher to attacking 'minorities' within the Labour Party, though it was clear that on that day it was Healey who represented the minority — the minority who since the founding of the Party have seen to it that it would not fight for socialism or even for the minimum needs of the working class.

AMONG THOSE heckling Stan Orme's calls for import controls was a worker from the Redlands concrete pipe works near Bournemouth.

«What « Orme says doesn't make any sense.

He starts off warning us about the fascists and ends up telling us to be good little nationalists.

"If ever a bloke was needed here today, it's Tony Benn. He's the only one that's trying to change things. This lot'll only do what they did last time.

They alam off the Tories, file played their part, 119 backbenchers signing a motion calling for tighter legislation on the closed shop.

By the time of the closing date for comments, there were still major differences between the various proposals coming from employers' organisations.

Bodies like the Institute of Personnel Management, representing professional interest in old-style i incorporation and the softly, softly the Employment Act is given a chance to work.

At the other end of the spectrum the Freedom Association want the closed shop completely outlawed, and the Institute of Directors argues for putting the boot in good and hard straight away.

The CBI wants 'gradual but steady change on a time scale determined by events and by pressure of public opinion' They want:

• damages him' but they didn't do much better; they started this unemployment and the cuts"

A Liverpool building worker added:

"Just look at that Healey. He looks well-fed, doesn't he? I bet they all eat at the best places.

They're an embarrassment really.

'But what can you do? you vote for?

Who else can If you clock or of a morning you've got to vote Labour, haven't you?

"Some of blokes strikers if they walk out before procedures are exhausted;

_ unions to be responsible for the actions of their members 80 that employers can hit union funds;

• blacking to be legal only after a secret ballot and a period of notice to employers;

• unions rather than individuals to be held responsible for picketing that violates the Employment Act; and • political strikes to be banned.

What they want im mediately is action on the closed shop.

The closed shop is the lowest common denominator of most of the evidence in response to the Green Paper, and will represent the basis of a new compromise culminating in a new Bill in the Autumn.

How will the law changed?

The Employment Act already protects workers who opt out of a closed shop on 'genuine grounds of conscience or other ey work with think I'm mad:

they don't think you can change anything, but things are changing in the Labnur Party.

"Years ago we would have been made up if we could have got Foot in as Deputy. Now he's with the right wing, but I think we've got a good chance with Benn.

"Of course; Benn 'll likely go the same way aß the others, but it wi on't half shake them up if he gets in"

miner convictions' - an ‹ enough escape rout Moreover, a new class shop needs 80% approv of all those eligible i vote in a secret bellox.

The new Bill is likely t double the compensatic for those sacked in cloa shop situations to arou $30,000, outlaw 'unio labour only' clause i commercial contracte, i troduce periodic revier of existing closed sbop and outlaw the pre-ent closed shop It may also ban polic al' strikes.

The closed shop essential to effectiv trade union organisation As the Institute of Direc ors point out, it is not onl a 'moral' question but th basis of shop floor power The comments TGWU proprietor Ale Kitson to the effect tr he opposes pre ent closed shops do nothin to help a fightbac against the Tories.

Neither, of course, dor Britain's biggest union connivance in the Em loyment Act, as exhibite by Brian Mathers' n striction of blacking i Ansells, and the recei withdrawal of seconda pickets at Chloride.

A fightback must com But whereas some unior were prepared to make & official (if limited) star against Heath's Industri Relations Act, the fig will now have to con from below.

The National Unior Railwaymen's con ence has voted to b the Wembley electr college - 40:30:30 and the vote for Hi ey against Benn 42-29 - was nan for a union led right-winger Weighell In the Nati Union of Minewor however, the. ri wing leadership held its gron preventing confer debate on a mo backing Benn.

Both these deve ments show how sely the Labour P democracy issue now being linked trade union de cracy.

with a lot that said, adding:

"There's all this about socialist pot Even Healey says be socialist. What they e to do when they get what they're doing France - nationalise banks and cut the ro week.

'Why don't they say that? People understand that. Bas 1 people don't want or ism. The rank and fl That's why there's eo1 support for Tony Bean

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for the LS activists the

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Time te off all

workers- want Tony Brenn

approach, called for 'vol- untary initiatives' while