Healey: the Candidate for Nato and the Imf

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MPs. But the same MPs ship. MAJOR Denis Winston Healey is a dedicated, committed politician. Since his first involvement in the Labour Party he has been dedicated to the furtherance of the politics of the right wing and committed to preserving the interests of British imperialism.

He has never had - or sought - any real links with the rank and file of the Labour Party or with the trade union movement.

Having had his momentary "fling" at left wing politics while still at University - he briefly joined the British CP - Healey took up a full time office post at Labour Party headquarters in 1946 - serving as secretary to Ernest Bevin, Foreign Secretary in Attlee's government.

Greatest

Healey's reference to Bevin in last week's debate with Tony Benn as "the greatest ever foreign secretary" was no chance remark. From the very outset Healey was an eager supporter of Bevin's collaboration with the US imperialist leaders to consolidate capitalist rule in post-war Europe, and his efforts to maintain the British Empire.

Healey was to draft a pamphlet extolling Bevin's policies, and remained at his desk in the Internationa Department until 1952 when he entered Parliament.

Healey's impeccable right wing credentials singled him out as a rising star for the Labour leadership - and for the "talent spotters" of US imperialism.

In 1954 Healey became the London correspondent of an anti-communist magazine, New Leader, produced in New York and - backed by funds from the J.M. Kaplan Fund - a CIA front organisation.

The magazine openly advocated the infiltration of foreign socialist parties.

By the late 1950s he had become a close crony of Hugh Gaitskell, going with both Gaitskell and Anthony Crosland to attend functions of the CIA-sponsored "Congress for Cultural Freedom"

Funding

Gaitskell and Healey also went as guests of Prince Bernhardt of the Netherlands, to attend sessions of the "Bilderberg Group" . The group was run by an influential American, Joseph Reiginger, who also arranged US Marshall Aid funding for the European Movement.

Also prominent in these CIA infested circles dias Dick Taverne - later lo become the trailblazine Lincol renegade.

Sponsorsig :3:

European Movemen: 27€ from the delanious "Amenian Committee fo: a l'nited Europe", , whose members included the former head of the CIA's forerunner (the OSS), and CIA men Allen Dulles and Tom Braden.

The CIA had not invested without hope of return.

In the wake of Labour's electoral defeat in 1959 Gaitskell, together with Crosland and other right wingers, took up a fight dear to the hearts of the US imperialists and British capitalists - to delete Clause - the call for nationalisaion - from the Labour Party constitution.

In this struggle, and in ne his determination to "fight, fight and fight again" against unilateral disarmament and socialist policies following his defeat at the 1960 party conference, Gaitskell felt certain he could count on the support of Major Healey.

Healey was brought into the Shadow Cabinet in 1959 and remained there - as Shadow Foreign Secretary, Shadow Secretary for Colonial and Commonwealth Affairs, and then Shadow Defence Minister - until the election victory of 1964.

Healey became Wilson's Secretary of State for Defence for the whole 196470 period of Labour government. And in that capacity too he was able in his own way to repay. the hospitalits o: the CIA.

Trim

#hit beig iorced by the growing economic crisis of British imperialism reluctantly to trim back global military commitments, Healey put "forward a substantial new structure for forces pay, providing them with a thumping 15% increase for many grades, and offering a system of 'bonuses' for less pleasant duties - such as Northern Ireland. The scheme is described by Wilson as "unprecedentedly generous No such generosity was applied by Healey to the social services or the forces struggling against imperialism. In 1967, the economic crisis brought a cabinet debate on spending cuts. Healey adamantly refused to contemplate cuts in the defence budget.

Instead, he suggested, money should be raised by lifting the embargo on arms sales to South Atrica, and by making cuts in social service spending. According to the Crossman Diaries:

"Denis Healey and Tony Crosland both observed in passing that we must have sharper Party discipline. Denis said that some of these fellows who were tabling motions against cuts in the social services should be thrown out...

Healey took his responsibilities seriously - becomkey member of NĂTO's Nuclear Planning Group. Harold Wilson wntes of these early discussions of what has now become the infamous notion of "limited Theatre Nuclear War":

Warning «Equally it provided the most sophisticated account so far published of the thinking behind NATO's developing attitudes on the doctrine of the controlled nuclear response to any outbreak of fighting in Europe. This was again based mainly on Denis Healey's leadership in NATO and providing, as it did, a means of studied restraint in escalation [!] was a warning to all concerned to think again before a possible outbreak of fighting in Europe led to thermonuclear exchanges and all-out nuclear war. (The Labour Government 1964-70, p.775).

Opponent

Small wonder therefore that Healey today remains a foremost opponent of unilateral nuclear disarmament and defender of the NATO alliance whose vicious policies of escalation he helped to formulate 13 years ago!

The defeat of the Heath government in February 1974 brought Wilson back to office and Healey the post as Chancellor of the Exchequer.

Healey's starting point was the fight to hold wages down, trading on the much vaunted "social contract" with the TUC leadership. Initially this was attempted through subsidies and a cut in VAT.

But at the same time Healey's first budget raised electricity charges. rail fares, phone bals. postage, petrol prices and the cost of alcohol and cigarettes.

Healey was also busy cutting taxes paid by big industry - to the extent that few big firms now pay corporation tax.

His second budget declared the objective of "improving profitability and liquidity in the company sector and shifting resources from consumption into investment and exports"

By the spring of 1975 all pretence of concern at workers' living standards was jettisoned as Healey's budget slashed food subsidies, housing • subsidies and subsidies to the nationalised industries.

Healey's attitude was spelled out in the wake of the railway unions' 30% settlement in June 1975. He threatened that if the social contract pay limits were not tightened he would " use "Tory policies" to cut living standards.

TGWU leader Jack Jones was quick to respond. He steamrollered through the union's conference acceptance of a £6 limit to wage increases. Healey seized the opportunity, and announced a formal limit of £6 - state control of wages.

He argued:

«We must accept a 10% cut in the standard of living and public expenditure. The alternative [!] is to crawl to the IMF and accept the terms they impose upon us."

Controls

In March 1976 as talks began on phase 2 of wage controls, Healey's package of £3,000 million cuts prompted a revolt by 37 Tribunite then trooped through the lobbies to support a vote of confidence in the government's economic including the cuts.

Wilson's resignation brought a leadership election within the PLP. Healey lost out to Callaghan as right wing candidate for the runoff against Foot.

August 1976 brought phase 2 of pay controls - a savage 4½% limit on pay rises, following hard on yet another package of £1,000 million cuts.

While no challenge was mounted to these policies by the Party conference, November 17 saw 80,000 trade unionists on the march in protest against the cuts.

Unofficial strikes began to break out against the phase 2 limits - including engineering workers, toolroom workers, Port Talbot electricians and HeathTOW airport maintenance staff. All were left isolated by the TUC. Yet in the midst of these strikes Healey unveiled his phase 3 figure -a 10% ceiling to rises.

It was this limit that was to prompt the first major official union opposition to the pay laws - the 9 week long firemen's strike. Yet the TUC again successtully isolated strike action to this one union, ensuring that only the firemen broke through Healey's net.

By July 1978 Healey had the gall to follow an announcement of a 40% increase in police pay with a revelation of the figure for phase 4 - a miserable 5%. It was this figure which was to provoke the "winter of discontent" and trigger a fight back within the labour movement.

September 1978 saw the TUC rebel against the 5% figure and in October the pay policy was heavily defeated in the Labour Conference.

Wave

The ensuing wave of pay strikes included Ford workers, bakers, journalists, transport drivers and public sector workers who staged a second 80,000-strong demonstration in January 1979.

As the Thatcher leadership seized upon the disarray JOHN SILKIN's candidacy in the deputy leadership contest rests not on his record of having done anything but on his supposed ability to avoid annoying people.

His active service under Wilson and Callaghan governments included three years as Wilson's Chief Whip:

Silk in's election address claims that this period came to an end when he was:

64 • . • sacked as Chief Whip for opposing anti-union legislation, In Place of Strife, which was supported by the other two present candidates for the deputy leadership."

In fact as Harold Wilson points out the decision to

JOHN LISTER reviews the contenders

gains made by the Labo left in the last two years. Jenkins, Shirley Willian David Owen and Willis Rodgers have already se the writing on the wall. V Major Healey join to march into the Libe sunset? remove Silkin was Dased sufficient discipline om failure in the votes on the M Budget. Silkin was sacked from the gow ment: indeed as WE writes:

"Very soon, as so happens, John Silkin fully absorbed in one of most agreeable of ministerial tasks Ministry of Works". the 1974-79 Labour gor ment, and thus to share ponsibility for the act! the Wilson/Callaghan jea noted for anything alone as a lett wit of the Labour government to force it from office, Heales joined with Callaghan to ran through an election manifesto based on sti more cuts in real wages ar further measures te safeguard company profits the result was a heavy defea in the May General Election Massive rank and resentment against Healey) record and that of the Labour government as : Whole has since been th major driving force in fight for democracy an accountability within It is indeed ironic the Healey's actions in offic from 1974-79 are a majo reason why he is now force to contest in an election fo the Labour Deputy leade ship against Tony Benn.

While Benn stands ons platform of criticising tt performance of the Labour government an offering a left alternati Healey stands four-squaren defence of his record and fo a reversal of the limited gan so far achieved by Labour rank and file.

Heckled

Put on the defensive b Benn's direct attempt appeal to trade union acti ists over the heads of the bureaucratic leaders, Heak has waged a "campaign which has consisted of a to of right wing union hea quarters, back-room vote-fi ing, and occasion disastrous fringe meetings which he has been roune heckled by the left openly supported by rank and file workers.

But Healey must recs nise that in the longer ter his position can only gro weaker. Even were he: scrape home and win deputy leadership October, he cannot seriou all hank all of t His old colleagues R ac Silkin went on to ser

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The Ford workers rebelled against the 5 per cent limit: Now Benn leads PAY THE (H03 MA Benn leads the rebellion