Longbridge sell-out: what makes the CP do it?

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MIKE FOLEY reports from the conference, last Saturday 5th, on democracy in the National Union MANY working class militants will be baffled by the reactionary role played by the leadership at BL's Longbridge plant during the 'relaxation allowance' strike.

The appalling terms 'negotiated' by the stewards under the leadership of convenor Jack Adams -a Communist Party member - and forced through a resistant mass meeting handed Edwardes a victory at the very point where the strikers had gained the upper hand.

This is by no means the first betrayal by the CP at Longbridge. Their squalid record stretches back beyond Adams and the involvement of his predecessor Derek Robinson in 'workers' participation' to the days of Dick Etheridge, who eagerly advocated negotiating acceptance of Measured Day Work - a move which has done more than almost anything else to hold down the wages of BL workers.

But it is not only in BL that leading Communist Party members have played a sabotaging role: the same has been true in the Lee Jeans occupation - where CP members on the NUTGW executive were the first to propose withdrawing support - and in the fight for solidarity at Laurence Scott.

Why do CP members wind up acting this way?

The answer lies not in the individual personalities involved, but in the politics of the Communist Party.

The British CP was founded in the aftermath of World War 1, in the midst of a tide of mass struggle in Britain and Europe - struggles which had included the victorious October 1917 Revolution in Russia.

After the war, capitalism was in chaos. Not only in Russia, but in Germany, Italy and Hungary, workers seized the factories. Meanwhile the right wing, otten helped by social democrats, attempted bloody repression. Left wingers in every country formed CPs to try to lead the struggles internationally to the same socialist conclusions as in Russia.

Careerists But there were immediate setbacks. The revolutions in Germany and Hungary were defeated. Faseism triumphed in Italy. Elsewhere mass struggles were headed off by partial reforms. The Russian revolution became isolated.

Within the Soviet Union, wracked by economic crisis and war devastation, nationalist elements emerged within the revolutionary leadership. Headed by Joseph Stalin, these forces drew support from careerists, technocrats and administrators in the new Soviet society, together with richer and more conservative layers of peasants in the countryside.

After the death of Lenin in 1924, Stalin began openly to argue that the task was not to extend workers' power internationally but to build "Socialism in one country'.

Bludgeoned

And Stalin turned for political and material support not to the strength of the working class, either in the USSR or internationally, but to the burgeoning state bureaucracy and their co-thinkers - the bureaucratic leaders of the labour movement and nationalist leaders - abroad.

These included for example the 'left' British TUC IN January this year the National Union of Teachers suspended its Lambeth branch officers for backing a cuts day of action alongside the Lambeth labour movement. In June, the NUT suspended 59 members at Alperton school, in Brent, for fighting for jobs.

September saw the suspension of Southwark officers, who were fighting for jobs and against compulsory transters.

Meanwhile, members of the Inner London Teachers' Association await disciplinary action for demanding the right to attend their own AGM!

NUT headquarters has The further ant lcd:

oped i leaders who participated in the Anglo-Russian Committee and China's Chiang Kai Shek.

Under Stalin's domination, the CPs were transformed from a revolutionary leadership into simply a tool for manoeuvres with such forces.

And the policies were immediately disastrous -leaving the British CP impotent in the face of the betrayal of the 1926 General Strike, and paving the way for the slaughter of the Chinese Communists by Chiang Kai Shek in 1926-7.

Opponents of Stalin's

politics -were bludgeoned into silence by bureaucratic threats or - like Leon Trotsky and the Left Opposition - driven out of the CPs.

'Progressive'

After 1928-9 Stalin, his alliances failing, switched to an equally bureaucratic ultra-left line, branding social democrats as 'social fascists' . But by 1933 the CPs had been so purged that not a single voice was raised to attack the suicidal ultra-left line of the German Communist Party which had prevented a united front with the Socialist Party, and enabled Hitler to ride to power.

In 1935 the changing foreign policy of the Kremlin brought a shift of policy by the CPs, and the unveiling of the strategy of the 'Popular Front' — alliances between workers' organisations and so-called 'progressive' parties and elements of the capitalist class.

With the exception of a brief flurry of ultra-leftism in response to the imperialist Cold War offensive after 1947, it has been the collaborationist politics of the Popular Front which have intensified its scrutiny of local branch agendas, and increased its use of veto.

On Saturday December 5, some 172 teachers attended a conference on union democracy in the Poly of Central London to discuss fighting back against this bureaucracy. The conference was initiated by the Haringey Association of the NUT and sponsored by 14 other NUT associations (branches).

Problem problem goes back than this year. Mililhers trade uni nist!.

Iv in london, develi the tale '60 • But Jack Adams (foregrouna) on l dominated the Communist Parties ever since.

In 1945 the British CP was to the right of Labour right-wingers like Herbert Morrison, still arguing for coalition with 'progressive' Tories.

In the 1940s the CPs formally abandoned socialism as the immediate goal - 'a new democracy' or 'an anti-monopoly alliance' took its place. For Britain this shift was summed up in of Teachers by 1973 the Young Teachers Conference set up in 1960 was closed down by the EC, basically because it reflected a militant stance.

Notorious

In the same year, the notorious Rule 8, which prohibits any industrial action without the approval of NUT HO, was passed.

In the morning session, platform speakers put events into historical perspective, and located the NUT in the wider labour movement, particularly in relation to the Tebbit Bill. There was * speaker from Polish Solidnarnose.

The bulk of the conferformatIonshridge mass meeting VILLE LUNOVITO a new programme, "The British Road to Socialism'.

When the CPs talk about socialism now, it is a bureaucratic concept they put across, instead of the goal of a government of workers' councils.

And they have mostly dropped the idea that the working class must be mobilised, force against force, to defeat the violent and undemocratic resistance of the ruling class to socialist ence took the form of workshop sessions. Sharp differences were expressed in the debate about tactics against Rule 8 - how far is it foolhardy and self-destructive simply to defy it in the present situation.

Sponsor

But £100 was collected for the NUPE strikers hardship fund in Coventry. And we agreed to sponsor a fringe meeting at the next NUT conference, to consolidate and . build militancy against highly conservative and undemocratic inion burcaucracy JOHN HARRIS change. Instead they look towards gradual change of the existing power structure.

Some sort of socialism is still the aim, in words and in the minds of the rank and file - but in the deeds of the leadership, a better place in the existing system is the real goal.

In countries where they are strong, like Italy, they go for coalitions bosses' parties Like the SUCCESSIVE CUTS mean that students' grants are one fifth, lower now, in real HOW IGRANUS HOVETHALLEN 1001 INIREAL ITERMISI 1962-3 67-8 72-3 77-8 82.: Christian Democrats.

all theirnere they los then parliamenta deposits, they look mol towards the trade unit bureaucracy.

They bank on gettir their own members into t official positions - wher like Ken Gill and Geor Guy, they often ignore ( policy - or friendly rel tions (without criticisi with established burea crats like George Smith al then Les Wood of UCAT!

And the Commun Party has also work consistently towards t formation of a latter-d Popular Front. Hence th notorious blocs in the N ional Union of Stude with right wing Labourit Liberals, and even Tori their support for worke participation schemes; a during 1981 their efforts draw bishops, 'progre ive' bosses and even Tor onto platform and ci mittees of the Peopl March.

In Bu, prominent members like Robinson :

Adams have accepted w out question the argum that it is necessary restore 'viability' at expense of jobs and liv standards - and cli down as readily as M Evans or Terry Duffy the face of threats to cl the plants. They have independent line to o the working class.

The dwindling mem ship of the CP and its gi ing isolation from gent militants on the shop !

of industry speak volu for the bankruptey of t perspective.

CP militants shaken angry at the latest L bridge sell out should c the appropriate lesson and join with Socialist aniser in the fight for sistent class stru politics.

terms, than they we years ago. And Ge Howe has just anno another big cut in th value of grants.

For next year the will be £1596.

Yet in some s residences, rent and now cost over £1000 20% over the last year!

The National Un Students conferenc Blackpool is discus student strike, and the dominant Broad notorious for their keep-in-with-the-Liber lack of militancy proposing a student st Last week's 1 demonstration again: showed that the 1 fight is there.

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Socialist Organiser no. 65 December 9198/ Page 14

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