Socialist Organiser

The weekly of the fused Workers Socialist League, July 1981 to April 1984

Stand firm for Labour democracy

Socialist Organiser no. 67, 7 January 1982 · scan pp. 11–12 · about 1,188 words

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Writing not long before Denning ruled the electors of London incompetent to vote for the higher rates and cheap public transport policy on which the Labour majority on the GLC campalgned and won the elect10IL, Benn felt obliged to add: 'This may seem farfetched, but at least these forces opposed to democratie reforms could argue that they were operating in accordance with the letter of the constitution, even though in no sense with its spirit.. The British constitution reserves all its ultimate safeguards for the non elected elite.

"The democratic rights of the people can, in a crisis, be adjudicated to be illegal, thus legitimising the military in extinguishing them" (my emphasis: all quotes from 'Britain as a Colony', in 'Arguments for Democracy, 1981).

That Benn's picture of the real condition of British democracy is palpably true sex Chile of the democratic apparatus, this is the period of decline and convulsive crisis in which they will need to use their sateguards and reserves.

Undemocratic

Under the influence of the profound social crisis, the British political system will begin to display its undemocratic side, as, and to the degree that, the ruling class begins to have need for safeguards.

Read what Ian Gilmour says above. Listen to the brutal truth expressed by Bonar Law, Tory leader during a Tory/landlord revolt against a Liberal government (and later a prime minister), quoted at the head of this article.

On the eve of World War •1, sections of the British ruling class and the army, and the entire Tory party, raised a storm of revolt.

There was an officers' climate in Britain now, is itself a small token of how willing the ruling class is to use the big stick when necessary.

When the labour movement begins to fight back and challenge them, they will attack democracy under the cry of 'defence of democracy'.

. Where will the Right and the soft Left stand? For legality at all costs, even legality like Denning's and the House of Lords'?

Entrenched

Parliamentary democracy is the alieged issue now. The real issue is how to fight the Tories. A 'democratically' entrenched Tory government is legally devastating the working class and constitutionally trying to beat down the labour movement. How to respond?

When the Parliamentary Labour Party, the Right, and the soft Left, take their stand against the working class and the labour movement on the divine right of a Parliament whose real power is in chronic decline, and when, against the labour movement, the PLP claims for itself the status, respect and prerogatives of the once-sovereign parliament of the UK, then what was said of another historical parody can justly be said of them.

The PLP is turning into the ghost of British parliamentary democracy, attempting to crown itself irremovable sovereign lord of the labour movement while perched atop the near-ruins of that decrepit parliamentary system -a system which it can neither replace, regenerate, reform nor (when it comes _to it) defend against the MOVES are now afoot to undermine and ultimately reverse the democratic reforms of the Party already achieved. The NEC's decision to reject Peter Tatchell as candidate for Bermondsey makes a mockery of reselection of MPs, while the inquiry into Militant and the rejection of Tariq Ali's application for membership are an undemocratic attempt to return to the arbitrary suppression of certain currerits of opinion in the Party.

600 resolutions But the democratic refrms can be defended successfully. The shower of over 600 resolutions and messages already sent to the NEC in support of Peter Tatchell has shaken some of the Right, and made it clear that if the Right continues basketset ałchel cess to pursue a witch hunt, i would cause civil war in thi Party, hand the next govern ment to the SDP/Liberal: or even the Tories on a plate and irreparably damage al sections of the Party.

By taking a clear stanc against the NEC's recen decisions, we can still mobil ise a majority in defence o Party unity and the demo cratic reforms.

Two ways to take thi stand are by:

(a) Resolutions sent tr the NEC, (b) Resolutions submitt ed to regional conference (RCs).

Resolutions submitted tr the NEC. These can be mov ed at ordinary business meet ings of branches/GCs. Sinc the issues are urgent, it i worth moving their prioritis ation, to avoid the usual 2: month queue of resolutions.

If you have not yet sen one, we. suggest a resolutiol along the following lines: This branch/CLP believe that any witch hunt agains the Left in the Party cal only damage the cause o Party unity and democrati Local parties have th right to select their parlia mentary candidates excep where procedures have nc been properly followed the candidate is opposed 1 the Party aims. Neither ( these apply to the choice i Peter Tatchell as prospecti parliamentary candidate f Southwark-Bermondsey.

The traditional riaht who is eligible for Party membership was denied by the NEC's decision in relation to Taria Ali's membership.

Finally, the tradition of tolerance in the Party has been jeopardised by the NEC's decision to investigate the activities of the Militant Tendency.

The basis for Party unity must be mutual tolerance of differing views; differences of opinion can only be resolved by argument. Arbitrary suppression of minority views can only produce bureaucratic abuse of power.

We therefore call on the NEC to allow Bermondsey CLP to have the prospective parliamentary candidate of their own choice; to allow the Hornsey Party to retain discretionary powers to decide on the eligibility of new members; and to call off the proposed investigation into Militant.

Raised

Resolutions to Regional Conferences (RCs):. The subject can be raised in three ways: ordinary resolutions, amendments to ordinary resolutions, and emergency resolutions.

Ordinary resolutions nYUS zoeec Regionai Party Sitice Detore the deadlines (which for some regions have passed).

Since most CLPs/branch des are holding their AGM ions can only be taken if, at the AGM, the branch/CLP resolves to reconvene itself straight after the AGM, as an extraordinary branch/GC meeting to take this resolution. Since the GC will generally not be meeting in time, the Branch should ask the CLP Executive Committee (EC) to consider the motion and send it off to the Regional Party Office in good time.

The next best way of getting the subject debated is submitting an amendment to an ordinary resolution.

For example, in London we are proposing the following amendment to the Paddington CLP motionAfter 'hearing', insert: 'and by the recent refusal by the NEC to endorse a parliamentary candidate properly selected by Southwark-Bermondsey CLP'. Add at end: 'and calls upon the NEC to reverse its decision in relation to SouthwarkBermondsey CLP's choice of prospective parliamentary candidate.

if the deadline for amendments is passed, the only way to raise the subject is by submitting an emergency resolution. But technicalty emergencies must refer to events occurring after me deadline for amenamens NICHOLAS COSTELLO As Sector CLTD Note: this article has hed to be slightly abridged for space in lll tars :

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Socialist Organiser no. 67 January 7.15 Cliff muzzles Page

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