PAr Der

Scan page 7

Capitalist Crisis and Socialist Alremarise. a detailed sest :

" E NN 50g W DIAC .. . ma Box 135. London »1 ODD CAPIT4.!:T SAVE ST. party, they are returning to the bad old days prior to mandatory restlection, when it was virtually impossible for constituencies to replace an MP with whom it was dissatisfied.

For the NEC to act in the way that Snape and others are demanding, would be a step back to the 1950s when, for example, Hayes and Harlington attempted to replace Arthur Skeffington, Hackney Central voted to replace Herbert Butler, Liverpool Exchange voted to replace Bessie Braddock and Coventry sought to disown Elaine Burden. All four were reimposed on the local parties against their will by the NEC.

It happened again with Arthur Irving in Liverpool Edge Hill in 1971 and it took his local party another six years to replace him. It is precisely the reason why mandatory reselection was introduced. Some. like Stanley Frans in 1956. Alan T-menham nocracy Prentice, joined the Tory Party, and Margaret MacKay, in Clapham in 1969, had the good sense to accept the 'get-democratic' decision of their parties.

Fortunately, Frank Hooley, who is by all accounts thoroughly decent politician, with no thoughts of trying Ben Fordstyle blackmail tacties by threatening to oppose the official Labour candidate at the next election, is showing similar good: sense.

He has said that he has plans to challenge the decision and no intention of leaving the Labour Party.

But if some of Mr Hooley's more strident right wing Parliamentary colleagues pursuade him to challenge this decision, then Sheffield Heeley could be as important a test as Bermondsey, Militant or Tariq All.

Nothing less than the whole principle of mandalor! reselection would be = stake.

Scan page 8

-ORGANISING THE UNEMPLOYEDLEARN LESSON OF from the TGWU 6/612 publicity committee MASS unemployment in Britain has a long legacy. Fifty years ago, in the 'devil's decade', the labour movement was forced to confront the problem in a dramatic way.

One-third of the insured workforce was out of work. The organisations of the working class, in particular the trade unions and the Labour Party, signally failed to combat the demoralisation and disillusion that became widespread.

The Labour Party was reduced to a rump in Parliament but refused to initiate or cooperate in any campaign that had as its focus Britain outside of the precincts of West minster. Electoral politics reigned supreme, which provided no inspiration for the thousands trapped by the Board of Guardians and the means-test man.

Similarly, the trade unions and centrally the General Council of the TUC held the view that the unemployed had placed themselves outside the ambit of their legitimate role. They were concerned solely with the conditions of those still at work.

id.

They too held out little solace to the unemployed.

Just over a year ago, it seemed that the organisations of the working class in Britain in the 80s, has understood, however partially, • the drastic límitations of the response in the 30s. The Labour Party mass demonstrations at Liverpool and GIsgow appeared to herald a 'change of course' The TUC conference, 'Services for the Unemployed", instituted policy calling on unions to retain unemployed members and to recruit from the dole queues.

The People's March for Jobs caught the imagination not only of whole sections of the working class, but also appeared to stimulate the trade union leaderships.

Today, those initiatives look distinctly 'historic' The Labour Party leadership has officially shunned 'extra-Parliamentary' strategies of any hue. The trade unions have steadfastly refused to re-examine their options.

Four years ago, Standard Triumph at Speke on Merseyside came under Edwardes' hammer. After the closure, the activists of the branch, the TGWU 6/612 , decided to continue membership of the TGWU LIVERPOOL-LONFON MAY 8I as per rule book, as a step towards forging a unity of the employed and unemployed-another feature that was noticeably absent in the thirties. In association with the lay activists in the Merseyside TGWU division, via the Merseyside Coordinating Committee, the 6/612 branch has been instrumental in getting Region 6, the TGWU in the North West to adopt a very progressive armin isn policy with regard to organising and mobilising the unemployed. This includes not Just. retention and recruitment of the unemployed and to make unemployed centres, campaign centres, as opposed to the tea-and-sympathy proposals so close to the hearts of many in the union leaderships.

On Merseyside, the 6/612 branch has grown for the 'wrong' reasons -SHE the crisis of the economy has been c: by the roll call of new bers.

Dunlops, Massey Fer guson, Ross foods recently Courtaulds beal witness to that.

----- pull-quotes -----

WORkERS REviEW 1 50p