'Nationalism first no road to liberation

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IRELAND OCCUPIES a position among the nations of the earth unique... in the possession of what is known as a physical force party - a party, that is to say, whose members are united upon no one point, and agreed upon no single principle, except the use of physical force as the sole means of settling the dispute between the people of this country and the governing power of Great Britain...

The latter-day high-falutin hillside man exalts into a principle that which the revolutionists of other countries have looked upon as a weapon, and in his gatherings prohibits all discussion of those principles which formed the main strength of his prototypes elsewhere and made the successful Our people have glided at different periods of the past century from moral force agitation, so called, into physical force rebellion, from constitutionalism into insurrectionism, meeting in each the same failure and the same disaster, and yet , seem as far as ever from learning the great truth that neither method is ever likely to be successful until they first insists that a perfect agreement upon the end to be attained should be arrived at as a starting-point for all our efforts...

Every revolutionary movenient in Ireland has drawn the bulk of its adherents from the ranks of disappointed followers of defeated constitutional movements. After having exhausted their constitutional efforts in striving to secure such a modicum of political power as would justify them to their own consciences in taking a place as loyal subjects of the British Empire, they, in despair, turn to thoughts of physical Their conception of what constitutes freedom was in no sense changed or revolutionised; they still believed in the political form of freedom which had been their ideal in their constitutional days; but no longer hoping for it from the Acts of the British Parliament, they swung over into the ranks of the 'physical force' men as the only means of James Connolly: 'Workers' Republic', July 1899.

not alone through the call to of the political spectrum patriotism, but through than Fine Gael. radical and realistic polit- 'Against the coalition ical activity on all issues support... those whose which confront the urban national and economic proand rural communities, gramme is most progresswhere possible tackling ive... (vote) for revolutiontheir problems with them" ary candidates where they This is far from working candidates elsewhere' (The - Kremlin-style.

class politics. Armed Starry Plough, Feb. 1982). struggle, as James Conn- That is, vote Fianna olly understood over 80 fail - the main governyears ago, is a possible tool ment party of the Irish ot revolutionaries, but is bourgeoisie for 40 of the not in itselt social revolu- last 50 years, and one that tion. In terms of social has jailed and shot republiHAUGHEY would not be the British government's first choice for Taoiseach. It is unlikely, however, that his election will be a serious blow to the plans for a new British government 'initiative' in Ireland. The showing of the Provos and their allies in the election may even help it along.

It has been shown that the upsurge around the hunger strikes was not hard support for the activities of the Provos - and nationalism in the South seems for now to have ebbed back into the safe channels of ossified Fianna Fail republicanism' Glaring The election showed i the political bankruptcy of the various republican factions under a glaring light. It also revealed - to put it moderately — the political inadequacy of those like People's Democracy (PD) who tail after them and mimic their politics.

Because the Provisionals (and to an extent the INLA, linked to the IRSP) lead the struggle of the Catholic community in the North against the British government, they have to be given critical support by British socialists. Any slution to the impasse in Northern Ireland, however, depends on breaking out of the crippling limitations of a national struggle conducted only by a fragment of the Irish people, the Catholic minority in the North.

Any possibility of bridging the gap between Protestant and Catholic communities depends on developing working class politics. In the South an advanced capitalist society exists. A revolutionary workers' movement in the south last weekend clampdon r..

Zamsatr !!! that fores int... counte:-e: could begin - over time, and it would probably take a long time: there are no miracles likely - to create the conditions for a united working class solution to the stalemate in Northern Ireland.

All the • Republicans showed in the election how far they are from being able to play • the irreplaceable combined role of being both revolutionary Irish republicans and revolutionary socialists.

To the electors of the South they had nothing to offer but a combination of nationalist and socialist rhetoric, and the call to support the Northern Catholies.

The Provisionals paper An Phoblacht (4.2.82) explained that by standing in the 26 County election 'for the first time in 20 years' , they gave the electorate 'a clear opportunity for another true declaration of Irish nationalism which was made so forcibly last year in the vote for the H-Block candidates. By standing candidates in the South Sinn Fein - the only Republican party - is complementing and reinforcing the Republican fight in the North'.

And the concerns and struggles of the South? 'If elected' Sinn Fein candidates| 'will not take their seats in the partitionist parliament of Leinster House, but will work as elected • representatives within their own constituencies' - whatever that may mean.

'Primarily a vote for Sinn Fein is a demand for British withdrawal. It is a declaration of support for the Republican struggle to secure that withdrawal... it is a loud expression of disgust at the determined collaboration with Britain by successive Free State John O'Mahony, in the second part of his discussion of the Southern Ireland election results, looks at the campaigns of the Provos and IRSP.

governments, for which' ¡the editorial writer adds, to get in tune with the budget debate) 'the voters are being forced to pay out of their own pockets' James Connolly ura nipi the privileged There follows some general rhetoric about socialism - almost totally unrelated to the concerns, other than the Northern struggle, of those who are being called on to rally to the Provos.

'The IRA", said An Phoblacht on February 18, "not only has a monopoly of true Irish patriotism, which its volunteers register through their continual sacrifice, but it has additional political, social and economic goals, which Sinn Fein shares, as incentives in the struggle for a free Ireland - a 32-county, democratic, socialist republic" (emphasis added).

You won't get the Rep"rooted out"

But the international workers' movement, in defending the nationalised property relations in Poland while fighting for the political overthrow of Stalinism, must lend its political solidarity and material assistance to this struggle for the independent organisation of the Polish working class.

At the same time the lessons of Solidarnose's struggle show the need for a leadership within that movement which grasps the nature and origins of Stalin" need and otters a ublicans' way of seeing social questions in the South spelled out more plainly than that.

And again: 'The only way to break the chains of slavery is through the revolutionary force of armed struggle. The Republican movement is responsible for] bringing about a united Ireland. Arising from this solemn and proud task is the necessity for sustaining the struggle, use of that weapon possible. force as a means of attaining their ends.

attaining it. (emphasis added). programme and class con- cans! cellis, ut Iiuyus ale lat Provos nun tar from being adequate revolutionaries.

The national struggle is the main concern and main attraction of the Provos. The February 11 'An Phoblacht' • front page says: 'Vote Sinn Fein - the only Republican party'.

The rebuff at the polls is likely to dampen the recent Provisional enthusiasm for taking a ballot paper in one hand to complement the Armalite in the other.

The IRSP prides itself on abandoning the old Republican fetish of abstentionism. It calls itself revolurlonary socials: anc Britair wide: 20cep:e0 face unpleasant choices at election time between the nakedly pro-imperialist party of Fine Gael (with Labour usually tagging onto its coat-tails) and Fianna Fail who identify more closely with the majority of Irish people but who eventually act against them... Socialists and republicans should vote against the coalition at all costs, given that there is nothing further to the right exist and anti-coalition enemy The IRSP now attacks Sinn Fein the Workers: Party (from which it was an apparently left split six years ago) for attacking Ireland's 'national capitalists' . 'The last few years have seen the trade union movement - increasingly influenced by various reformist such as SFWP -direct their fire at Irish capitalists, the Irish middle class, and the Irish government, to the exclusion of the main enemy which is imperialist finance capital and its governments" •Official account of policy in Starry Plough'. December The main enemy is Briton the • British withdrawal • Defence neutrality and the investigation links with the non-alignec movement internationally • Rejection of the cor cept of an all-Ireland court • Defence of democratic rights of the people, North and South.

This is very broad indeed. There is nothing overtly working class or socialist about it.

The national questior and commitment to the armed struggle reduces all that to decorative and demagogic talk and aspirations, which for now has no direct bearing on what must be done land not done).

During the hunger strike campaign all the Republicans appealed to Fianna Fail 'anti-imperialism - on the basis of seeking the nation. alist lowest-commondenominator. IRSP policy in the election continuation " was this approach The result of the election show how insubstantial what was 'gained' during the hinger strike was.

The IRSP cites as it: model broad anti-imperial. ist fronts which include the policy: one de a 'national bourgeoisie like policy, correct (as believe) incorrect for underdeveloped El Salvador, is preposterous for a modern Ireland whose powerful bourgeoisie are now an integral segment of the European capitalist class and in as much control of their state as any EEC ruling class is.

It is no slip of the pen when the IRSP speaks of the Irish people: whereas the socialist republican policy must be to split and divide the Irish people int proletarians and allies ag ainst the others, the popul ists of the IRSP, who call themselves socialist republ icans, stand for the broad est national unity - even with FF.

In the social and clas realities of the South, this i just plain reactionary bourgeois politics.

It is pointedly the 'anti imperialist' united fron with Charles Haughey o thers like him, instead o the programme of working class unity in Ireland on :

socialist and anti-imperial ist basis.

Focusing on 'the nationa question' 'first-thingsfirst' nationalists, they are irrelevant and bankrupt in the South, and thus bank rupt also as nationalists in the Northern struggle No less a Republican socialist than James Connolly long ago pointed ti the curious fact that phys. ical force' revolutionaries ir. Irish politics usually prove at a later stage of their development to be socially conservative and reactionary. Fianna Fail is the great example that since Connolly land watch SEWP!)

It is no longer at a later stage of their development, but when they cross the border, that the physical force revolutionaries. including the self-proclaitted revolutionary socialists. prove themselves sucially irrelevant or reat.ionary In modern conditions. where a sresEchrough in the cepenas or the ciass =÷15

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cialist Organiser, Thursday March 4, 1982 Page 6

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ULU Malet St. London 10.30 Sat March 13

ALabour supports "Solanets" Demonstrate

"broad tront unity ro ant: imperialist rigme