The struggle for ine struggle TOr rank and tile contro

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THE CPSA has changed dramatically over the last decade from a closed suciety where only those 'in the know" had any idea whai was going on to a fairly democratic union where the ordinary rank and file member can now play an active part in deciding who runs the union.

From before the war until the late 60s, control of the union see-sawed between two groups, the Communist Party-dominated "'left"

and the Carholic Action G oup-dominted "right"

This battle for control took place away from the membership and was carried out largely in secret. The President, VicePresidents and National Executive Committee were elected once a year on a bloc vote system. That is, votes were cast by branches and not by individual members.

Trust

So in the Presidential election, if a Branch had 500 members but on 20 members turned up to the voting meeting la not unusual occurence), and, of those, 11 voted for candidate A and 9 for candidate B, it meant that 500 votes from that Branch went on candidate A even though only 11 members had voted for him/her.

Also, most members had no idea what candidates A or B stood for. There were no election addresses, and no practical way of finding out about the candidates, so that most branches took on trust the recommendation of their Branch Committee, or even just the Branch Secretary.

Most branches had membership of between 100 and 500. but Neweastle Central Office had 7,500 members, the London Teiephone Region 7,500 and the London Post Office Savings Bank 5,500. Control of these three branches therefore virtually assured election.

With the Communist Party completely obliterated, the right became very complacent and the whole union stagnated during the 1960s. No new initiatives were taken and the CPSA became little more than a house union.

Towards the end of the 60s. a new left emerged, based in the Post Office section of the membership.

This new left group directed its attentions towards breaking the grip the right had on the union. Unfortunately, their way of doing this was to call for the disbandment of groups, and in the eurly 70s they managed to get through conference the (in)famous Rule 9.1 which said: "Ca vassing for nominations and vres by the circularion of lists, and the organisation or participation in the activities unofficial committees Or simiar bodies which srek influence the policies or ciertoral proof th+ Associaton. sha!l deemed dermental to the interests of tne A sociation. (Bring "deemed detrimencal to the interests of die A sociation" could mean expulsion froir the The only effect of this Rule was drive. the groups even more underground than they had been already, but neither of them went away.

The secret lists were sull sent to Branch Secreiaries and the groups still mer. The only real effect was to stop the groups corning oui into the open, as the left should nave done instead of trying to play the rignt at its own game.

The let's NEC iist was d'awn up by those merbers already on the NEC including full time officials. «B: 1971 there were 11).

There was no question of rensultation with othor supporters up and in the country. The new let: became as portive and elitise as the sine and the old Commuri Party let!.

In 1972 a new group emerged dedicated to opening up the CPSA and ending the secret rule whether by right or left. This new group, the Redder Tape Group, made its first priority the

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continued throughout the early 70s, and Redder Tape supporters brought matters to a head at 1974 conference, when they published both the right and lett lists. One Redder Tape supporter also went lo the rostrum at Conference and waved the original lists in the air for all the dele rates to see.

I a wave of unbelievable hypocrisy, the right.

launched a strong attack on Redder Tape and, along with Bill Kendall, ihe then General Secretary, called ior an investigation into the Redder Tape Group for breaking Rule 9.4. At the same time they began to issue anonymous circulars theraselves.

These were often libellous and untrue and con sisted mainly of the usual red-scare tactics.

Unforiunately for them the left now had control of the NEC for the first time since the late 1940s, and they refused to carry out an investigation into Redder Tape but instead "expressed concern" al the circulaton of anonymous circulars.

Farce

Rule 9.4 had by now become an utter farce, with Redder Tape organising openly and both the right and left circulationg wellpublicised lists. At the 1976 conference, Rule 9.4 was quietly laid to rest with not one vote in its favour.

Following the repeal of 9.4. the Broad Lrft was formed as an open group. With the influx of a large number of rank and file members it quickly took up the demands of Redder Tape on union democracy. By the end of the 1970s, NEC minutes were being circulated to all branches and the circulation of election addresses had been achieved.

In 1981 a motion was carried at conference which yearly election oe the fulf senior full time officers (General Secretary, Deputy General Secretary, Assistant General Secretary and General Treasurer).

Towards the end I of the 1970s a new campaign was launched by some people in ine Broad Left together with the Redder Tape Group. This was cailed the Campaign for Union Democracy.

Its first and most immediate demand was to end the al branch meetings.

Although reforms such as the circulation of election addresses had increased membership awareness and participation in electons, it was still a fact that too few branches controlled the outcome of elections.

Opposition to this proposed reform came from two directions. The right wanted to go straig!

a postal vote for members, so that there was no need for them to attend a meeting at all. In other words read the list printed in the Daily Mail and put your crosses in the right places.

And some, almost exclusively Militant supporters, who wanted to retain the bloc vote system.

At the 1979 conference, thanks to a last minute switch by the right, who realised that their proposal did not command the necessary support to get it through conterence, individual voting at branch workplace meetings was carried.

The immediate result was that in the 1980 elections, the first where the new system of voting was used, a Broad Left majority of 19-6 on the NEC was turned into a right majority of 23-2! Militant supporters lost no opporlunity to tell the Broad Left how that proved they'd been right all along.

- But they convinced noine else on the left. The rote had shown clearly the work that still needed to be dini anong the membersh. u win them over to socialist policies.

With the bloc voting it had always been impossible to tell now the members really ielt. The apathy and corruption possible under that system, particularly in the large branches meant that the vote had no real meaning as a reflection of the members' wishes.

Even if a left majority controlled the NEC it did not necessarily mean the members were really behind it.

Between 1980 and 1981, the Broad Left were forced to campaign much harder on specific issues, something they had been very reluctant to do before, relying on their control of big branches to see them through.

This resulted in the left clawing bark eight or more seats on the executive and being in a 15-10 minority.

Militant are still pursuing the return of the bloc vote but the argument is over. The membership will never return to that system.

There are a number of problems that have arisen as a result of the new rule, not foreseen when the original proposal was put to conference. Militant are trying to use the confusion that has arisen in some after 70-odd years of secrecy.

As for the left, it means that it and when they are returned to "power" , it will be because that is what the members want and not just a few large branches.

The left has to explain its policies to the members and when it wins it will know it has succeeded and will know exactly where it stands. A return • to Militant's beloved bloc vote will mean a return to the days when one group or other controlled the NEC but couldn't do anything because it had no confidence in the membership to follow its lead.

Every member

Following the passage at the 1981 Conference of the constitutional change allowing for the fiveyearly election of the four senior full time officers, the individual vote has even more significance as every member now has a chance to vote in these elections too.

The immediate aims of the left now must be to extend the voting for fulltime officers to all Assistant Secretaries and to consolidate the individual voting rule. The danger here is not from Militant but from the right's proposed postal voting.

They are already trying that although members still have to attend branch meetings to obtain a ballot paper, they send them off to the returning officer themselves. This could presumably mean that they can take them home and read their Daily Mail before sending their paper off.

Openly Discussion of the various candidates at a branch meeting is a vital part of the election procedure and we must not allow any erosion of this.

The CPSA has come a long way in the last few years.

We now have the various groupings operating openly, publishing journals and. bringing the debate into the membership. We have individual voting at branch meetings. We have the circulation of election addresses. We have the circulation of NEC minutes to all branches. We have the

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block vote and bring in a system of individual voting

to eliminate the counting of votes in branches, so