Socialist Organiser

The weekly of the fused Workers Socialist League, July 1981 to April 1984

Why Is Img Lying?

Socialist Organiser no. 80, 15 April 1982 · scan p. 13 · about 1,290 words

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THE POLITICAL degeneration of Socialist Challenge and the IMG proceeds at remarkable speed.

Three weeks ago they sabotaged - to the best of their ability - the Socialist Organiser-initiated labour movement demonstration for Solidarnosc (which was supported by the London Socialist Challenge carried an attack on 'action by small groups' aimed to tell IMG members not to support the demo and to discourage other Socialist. Challenge readers. (Only three weeks before, they had supported a small demonstration of about 300 for Solidarnosc in Birmingham).

Blatant

Last week's Socialist Challenge told the blatant Lie that supporters of Socialist Organiser at the Polish Solidarity Campaign conference voted for a resolution to have a campaign which would include Tories and Social Democrats. To judge by reports from Socialist Organiser supporters, IMG members are being told that Socialist Organiser supporters joined the antiLeninists at the conference in "witch-hunting supporters of Socialist Challenge'. (In fact, as we reported last week, supporters of Socialist Organiser, were themselves witch-hunted).

After the factional sabotage at the expense of solidarity with Solidarnosc, now come factional lies to justify themselves and to SEE seal off their supporters from discussing the serious political issues which divide us from the IMG on Poland.

In fact Socialist Organiser supporters voted for this resolution from Robin Blick 'PSC seeks support for its activities from all individuals and organisations which uphold the unconditional right of working people to form and belong to independent trade unions everywhere in the world'.

• Do the comrades of Socialist Challenge then think that Thatcher's Tories, and the SDP who voted for Tebbit's anti-union bill, believe in 'the unconditional right of working people to form and belong to independent trade unions"? Ur do they think we do?

The resolution was presented and argued for by Blick as an alternative to the following resolution from Wictor Muczysnki:

•PSC should mount a national campaign... encouraging support from all [regardless of political affiliation who agree with the ter ,50"

AN EXPLOSION equivalent to about five tons of explosives reached the 25,000 residents of the Niddrie and Craigmillar housing estates on the south east of Edinburgh in the early hours of Sunday March 21.

The blast was the result of the self-ignition of a lethal cocktail of chemicals used in the making of fireworks and other explosives which were buried din 1970 under what is now a refuse disposal tip. It hurled two ton sacks over 100 yards and left a crater 100 feet wide and 60 feet deep. universal concept of trade unions free of governmental control and who oppose all rule by military juntas or armies of occupation' Both resolutions were passed. Naturally Socialist Organiser supporters voted against the second one. Martin Meteyard, author of Socialist Challenge's article, saw us vote against it.

Political issue

Whatever Blick's opinions or intentions may be, the resolution we voted for does not call for or commit us to unity with Tories and Social Democrats. It is not counterposed to the labour movement oriented campaign we want, nor does it inhibit us from working for that inside and outside the PSC.

The political issue involved here is whether we adopt the narrowest possible attitude to Polish solidarity work, trying to confine it to fully paid-up left-wing members of the labour movement who are

John O'Mahony attacks levelled i Organiser by Sor

prepared to begin every meeting and every resolution about Poland with prayers for the defence of the USSR and for the speedy damnation of Reagan and Thatcher. Socialist Organiser does not adopt that destructively narrow attitude and Socialist Challenge - for reasons of its own - does.

Marek Garztecki of Solidarnose nailed the double standards here when he asked if the IMG would go to an El Salvador solidarity meeting and put down a motion demanding a clear pro-Solidarnosc declaration from everyone there before agreeing to work with them for Salvador solidarity.

Of course neither they nor we would do that. Nor did we refuse to work with Stalinists for: Vietnam solidarity.

(Bu al the PSC meeting, faced with a "resulution explicitly condemning Reagan and imperialism, we voted with the IMG for it The double standard expresses the same ambivalence as the IMG's refusal

responds to the against Socialist cialist Challenge

of vigorous and straig forward support for a wor ing class response to Soli arnose's call for class actir - blacking — in the West It would of course be u principled to join in acti ity where pro-imperiali politics or politicians don nated. This has nothing do with the PSC - despi the Leninophobe clique Westoby and Blick. TI meeting's vote to seI greetings to the Salvad solidarity demonstratic is decisive evidence here.

But inevitably peop whose anti-Stalinism lear them to a mood of concili tion with liberal capitalis: will be part of any bros Polish sulidarity campaig Decisive is what it does ar can do for Poland and Sol darnoșe.

We retain our politic independence within ar campaign - for Poland ‹ for Vietnam. We avoid di structive ultimatums. W break with our allies if the politics become destructi of the work of solidarity subordinate that work 1 alien politics. Iton Ist 11to te of he Or or ir re Dr to The reason the IMG finds our approach unacceptable is because its own political line is torn between gut support for the Polish workers and unwillingness to urge the British labour movement to do anything against the Polish state.

The IMG has supported some blacking action when it has occurred. But with obvious reluctance. They insist that blacking - i.e. working class direct solidarity action - should not be the central thrust of a labour movement cam'hey argue that blackin would inflict economic damage on the Polish economy - as if Solidarnosc dues not have the right to decide it wants that, and as if that is not what industrial action is usually about!

For some of them, support for one of the two camps into which they see the world as divided overrides independent working class politics on the Polish question. The US SWP rejects blacking and calls on the labour movement in the West to demand of its governments massive economic aid for the Polish state). The others are inhibited, torn between their own better class instincts and seems or mot clotener ional movement which explicitly reject working-class action in the west for Solidarnesc.

We must defend the USSR' with the methods of the international working class. To counterpose support against Reagan and Thatcher for the Polish (and USSR) state to international working class action for Solidarnosc is to raise something else above the international socialist revolution, and to adopt a conservative and quasiStalinist version of 'defence of the USSR' Left and right are defined by class alignments and political perspectives on each question. On the Polish question, the left consists of those who pursue class action for Solidarnosc, and working-class political independence from both the Stalinist bureaucracy and imperialism.

The IMG's mixed feelings about class action by the British labour movement to strike at the state which is trying to grind the Polish labour movement into powder means that it is now on the right of the labour movement forces active in solidarity with Solidarnosc.

They sabotage Socialist Organiser's work and now misrepresent us and lie about us, because that is su much easier than honest reporting and argument, when you yourself are riddled with unresolved political contradictions.

Increasingly they seal themselves off, telling themselves that thereby they are 'building the Comrades of the IMG: if you study the walls of the road that you are now within sight of, you will find scribbled among the graffiti: 'Gerry Healy was here' Serious people shouldn't be.

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