Socialist Organiser

The weekly of the fused Workers Socialist League, July 1981 to April 1984

[LITED IN THI MAY BRITAIN OUT OF IRELAND…]

Socialist Organiser no. 83, 6 May 1982 · scan pp. 1–2 · about 957 words

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LITED IN THI

MAY BRITAIN OUT OF IRELAND 8th NIFOR ETR 1pm Speakers' Corner, Hyde Park, London Assemble have been killed in the sinking of the cruiser General Belgrano.

Even the horrible logic of war hardly explains this bloodshed. The cruiser was a lumbering veteran of Pearl Harbour, sailing outside the 'exclusion zone' ', launching no attack on the British forces. Its sinking was more like cold-blooded murder -STRAT a blood offering to Thatcher and to the war zeal of the British military top brass.

The destruction of British destroyer and the loss of some 30 British sailors' lives soon followed.

By the time Socialist Organiser reaches its readers, the death toll in Thatcher's war may be much higher Ae Tonu Renn AMAY SUAM POMLCU nainted Out last weekend, Ine Inat vnnlinu. UTL admirals and generals are in charge" . Benn quoted from a letter received from a marine's fiancee.

*She said that most of his unit did not want to fight over islands so far from home. Most of them are only 18 years old. They come from working class families and only joined up to escape the dole queue"

"They are being sent to their deaths for a lost cause".

Maybe the warmongers will decide soon that another spell of negotiations can follow the bloodshed. And maybe not. Maybe soon the number of conscripts and *economic conscripts' slaughtered in this war to save Thatcher's face will exceed the total population of the Falkland Islands.

Who then will believe that Thatcher is motivated by concern for the F'alklanders?

The Tory press has been full of outrage against Benn for "bringing class into it" in wartime. Yet the class issues are fundamental. The working class stands only to lose from Thatcher's war for the prestige of the British ruling class.

Thatcher's war will strengthen the Tories, by rallying flag-waving support behind them as the party of «Britain's" victories against a foreign enemy. It will strengthen militarism, enabling the armed forces hier archu ta Ancard car aband inoranca ite nractio ana is demanas tor mor military spending.

And it will strengthen th world exploiting power 0 the richest capitalist states -their ability to impose thei will on oppressed people that fight back.

So victories for Thatche Will be defeats for the work ing class. From the point o view of the British workin class, deteat for Thatcher i the best outcome from th clashes in the Soutl Atlantic.

The labour movemen should campaign for thi withdrawal of the fleet. Wi should take class action ag ainst Thatcher's war.

At Felixstowe, the sea men's union port committer has advised members not tr sail ferries. requisitioned by the Navy. Though the com mittee cautiously stresser that it was only defending trade union interests, no directly challenging the war this action points the way forward for the whole labou movement.

By blacking military supplies, the labour move ment could and should hal this war.

The demand is mounting from the labour movemen for negotiations in place ol battles. Michael Foot ha: refused Thatcher's invitatior to private talks on the war.

Any dissociation from the Tories, and any camp aign for the recall of the Meet, should be supported And better that Thatcher and Galtieri deal with their disputes by negotiation than by war.

But the labour movement cannot afford to put itself in the role of adviser to Thatcher on how best to negotiate. The Bank of England, or US economic pressure, are not at the dispoal of the labour movement as alternative weapons to wield against Galtieri instead of the fleet!

If we look towards such illusions, we can lose sight of what the labour movement - with the methods of working class action that actually are open to us - can do to win a peaceful solution.

We can wage class war against Thatcher's war. We can force the British ruling class to repudiate its claims to the resources of the South Atlantic and Antarctica. On that basis, we can establish links with Argentine labour - exiled Argentine trade unionists have already appealed to the TUC for discussions on joint working class action to achieve a peaceful settlement.

We can help the Argentine workers' movement fight for its rights and overthrow Galtieri. We should help the Argentine workers defend Argentina's own territory and people against any aggression by Thatcher.

In that context, we should seek common working class action to defend the right of the Falkland Islanders to decide their own future pointing out that the islanders are a long-established distinct community with a distinct territory, posing no threat to Argentina's national rights, and that Galtieri's invasion was no anti-imperialist action but a mini-colonial gambit to try to strengthen the position of the military within Argentina. - We should offer our support to the Argentine workers for a genuine anti-imperialist struggle against the banks and the multinationals -and against Galtieri!

The labour movement is beginning to awake to its responsibilities in this crisis, moving away from the initial silence or open support for Thatcher. Still Labour's leaders are too timid, too dependent on ruling-class options, too inclined to shelter behind the words of the UN rather than come out with an independent line which is Labour's and no-one else's.

As on jobs and wages in Britain, they prefer to operate as advocates of a supposed alternative of more humane, more moderate capitalist policies.

But independent working class politics, necessary at all times, are never more necessary than in time of war. And if Labour's leaders will not campaign for such politics, then the serious left wingers must organise them. selves to do so.

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Socialist Organiser no.83 May 6, 1982 Page 2

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