Time to rock the boat
Socialist Organiser1982 1982-05-13Read it in the scan (PDF), scan page 6 →
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FIGHT EVERY CUT the Observer put it, "the The general picture -with many local variations -is that Labour did best in strongly working class areas and where the local Labour Party is more left wing. The reason is not mysterious: those are, usually, the areas where Labour Party workers are most numerous, most active, and most enthusiastic. "Slow but sure" and "don't rock the boat" are not the slogans which can rally activists.
In Lambeth and Lothian Labour Parties with left wing reputations went down to defeat. But these were Labour councils which had proclaimed and promised an all-out fight against the Tories, raised rates supposedto buy time, then crumpled and made cuts. No wonder that Labour voters were cynical, and Labour activists unconvinced, about repeats of the same manifesto promises made last time round.
From all accounts, there were two major reasons for Labour's generally bad performance.
The Falklands factor counted - but there was not an overwhelming wave of jingoism. Labour candidates who openly opposed Thatcher's war - like the several Socialist Organiser supporters standing - got a good hearing and, usually, good results. But the Labour leadership's weak-kneed line of support for sending the fleet, then dithering about its use, offended chauvinist reflexes without giving coherent alternative.
More generally, potential Labour voters were demoralised and disillusioned because they had no confidence in the will or ability of the labour movement to do anything about the decay of crisis-ridden British capitalism.
Where we go from here renande Labour councils and the labour movement do now. The policy of sitting tight, appearing as moderate" as possible, and waiting for things to turn Labour's way, is a policy for losing support.
So the May 6 elections should be a signal for the Left in the labour movement to relaunch the offensive -the drive to transform the labour movement which was initiated after the 1979 election but has been stalled since last autumn.
We need to fight on several fronts:
*The issue of the Labour Party leadership should be re-opened. The Falklands crisis has shown "inveterate peacemonger" Michael Foot as an inveterate ally of the warmongering right wing.
The time has come for new discussion in the Labour Parties and trade unions about putting forward candirato lika Tanu Da.. albninitna "ulao luni ava committed to the movement's policies, against Foot.
*The issues of Labour Party democracy should be re-opened. The need for accountability of Labour councils, as of the Parlia.
mentary Labour Party, will now be central.
While the Left has demobilised since Bishops Stortford, the right has been organising hard behind the scenes, particularly among the trade union barons.
They are trying to ensure the NEC elections are tied up for the Right this year. The AUEW will be pushing for the expulsion of leading Militant supporters.
If the Left does not re-mobilise, then we will not stop still - we will be driven back.
*The fight for trade union democracy is the inseparable counterpart of the fight for Labour Party democracy - and vital for immediate industrial action by John John O'Mahony against the Tories.
Currently the TUC leaders are letting the Tebbit Bill go through with only a few routine threats about fighting it (maybe) some time in the future.
They justify themselves by saying that the rank and file won't fight. But in reality the major factor stifiing a fight and creating disillusion is the leaders' refusal to lead.
Only by starting to fight back can the labour movement rally the confidence to continue the fightback.
*The fightback can be started now by the labour movement breaking links with the Tories and the bosses - looking towards accountability to the rank and file, and a workers government, rather than collaboration with the ruling class.
*We must fight for the newly elected Labour councils to defy Heseltine.