This is no time for moderation

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igass strike: ' BLACKING IS MAIN WEAPON' struggle FROM THE start it was clear that the Bishops Stortford "truce' meant no let-up in the efforts of Labour' 's rightwing leaders to gut Labour Party policy.

The 'truce' was therefore a gag to be applied firmly to the left wing, while the right wing fudged Labour's commitments and prepared the bonfires for any left-wingers who would object.

In the half-stifled struggle continuing since Bishops Stortford, the next month or so could be decisive. There is a series of meetings of the National Executive, and of the Shadow Cabinet/NEC liaison committee, to discuss policy.

The report on Militant comes before the NEC on June 23. And on July 4 there is another Bishops Stortford type "summit' between the NEC and top trade union officials in Trade Unionists for a Labour Victory.

In Tribune on May 28 Tony Benn sounded a warning:

"If the Shadow Cabinet has its way, this year's Labour Party conference will be denied a chance to vote on Labour's full Programme 1982 or on the campaign document drawn from it -upon which Labour's next election manifesto will be based...

"Instead it was suggested that the campaign document should be drafted after the conference had ended ... left until the last minute -as in 1979 - and vulnerable to a veto ...

"This is not the end of the matter ... but if the Shadow Cabinet gets its way Labour will go into the next election without any firm commitments decided by conference. In effect, the party will be told not to worry about policy, just to Women workers at Kigass in Leamington have been on strike for ten weeks. Julia Redman spoke to them about the Labour women's festival and their other efforts to gain support Women strikers from Kigass wanted to address the Labour Party Women's Festival and take a collection. The platform stopped the collection saying that it was illegal, and Joyce Gould from the Labour Party said she could find them no time on the platform until 4.45 when our coaches were due to leave.

She showed no interest in these women at all. We asked ourselves, what is the purpase of a women's festival if women like these get out and do the canvassing.

"The manifesto will not go to conference and when Labour is in power the new Cabinet can tell the party what it intends to do, with the usual appeals to loyalty to overwhelm the critics. But that won't work any more.

"After the experience of recent Labour governments the party will not work to give a blank cheque to its Front Bench."

The draft programme which front-benchers are trying to push aside includes, according to press reports, the following commitments:

*Renationalisation of hived-off assets and further nationalisations;

*More control for elected police authorities and disbandment of Special Patrol Groups;

*Repeal of the 1971 Immigration Act, the 1981 Nationality Act, and Tory laws curbing union rights and forcing council house sales;

*Unilateral nuclear armament;

*Withdrawal from the EEC;

*Abolition of the House of Lords;

*Repeal of the Prevention of Terrorism Act and 'gradual' withdrawal from Northern Ireland;

*Reduction of the gay age of consent to 16.

From the point of view of Labour activists this is a modest enough summary of Labour Party policy - somewhat laçking, unless the press reports are misieading, on issues like the right to work. (Only 'encouragement' for the 35 hour week is promised).

But Michael Foot was quoted in the Sunday Times as saying that the programme would take 40 years to implement! On this principle of the inevitability Again Can you explain about the two disputes in Abex and Kigass for union recognition? * Abex and Kigass are both owned by a family firm under Mr. Wardman. Abex is a smaller factory two miles away that supplies components to Kigass. Women at Abex came out when they heard about our dispute.

Wardman tried to divide us into two groups, but the way we see it we're right together. He also owns another firm which is unionised but they are afraid to come out in support of us because they are threatened with redundancies.

But our strike is still affecting production there.

understand that some workers have returned. Is this making your strike less effective?

Some of gradualness' - recognised neither by the Tories nor by the decline of British capitalism! - he must want to cut out seven eighths of the policy.

Right wing front bencher Gerald Kaufmann has obtained a legal opinion that it would be against the law for Labour Conference to adopt the draft as the Party The scene is being set for policy to be gutted, and for those who complain to be branded as disrupters. Meanwhile last Sunday's Observer reported on 'tape recordings' supposed to show "that Militant is a subversive organisation"

The NEC on June 23 could recommend proscription of Militant or expulsion of selected Militant supporters. A Wales Labour Party conference vote last month for a pro-witch-hunt resolution gives weight to this possibility.

And by-election setbacks like Mitcham and Morden will be blamed on the Left.

The Left needs to stand firm and launch a counter-offensive.

The prospect of another Labour government like the last one - kow-towing to the bosses and bankers and the IMF - is no recipe for rallying support. And even if such a government scraped in, it could only pave the way for a return of Thatcherite Toryism - or worse.

We need to fight for a workers' government - a government accountable to the labour movement and willing to base itself on the labour movement for decisive action against the capitalists and their state. The labour movement as a whole - Party and unions -forced back as they had no money. They were promised no victimisations, but they have been victimised. One had a bed of nails nailed on her chair and it was covered with her overall.

She couldn't stand it and came back out on strike. They have also recruited workers off the, dole who they have instructed not to speak to us.

Our main weapon is the blacking. Kigass is blacked at Rolls Royce and Ford, which are the two main outlets.

But with the press saying that the strike was over, we are going to have to check that the blacking is still continuing.

Rumours

How have these rumours got about that your strike is over?

Mr Wardman says he will , accept the union. He said he Will Foot cut seven-eighths e needs to galvanise itself with a policy capable of dealing with capitalism's crisis and the will, the organisation, and the leadership to fight for it.

The moves Labour democracy and for left wing policies since 1979 represent political transformation the movement. the right wing succee In nailing and reversing those moves, then Labour will have the worst or al words It will be branded by the Tories and SDP as a party of Jauical but instead of vigorously fighting to win support for those policies, it will have its leaders frantically disavowing thém.

Look at the lesson of the in always would. But we have it in writing that he says he would never have a union as he sent us out individual letters al the beginning of the strike.

We met with him but he wants us back on his He says he'll take back some of us now and the rest when work is available.

He expects us lo turn up each morning to sec if there is a job and go home if ho has no work.

He even admitted that he would put us on a different section to "police us"

We're not accopting this. We want a union so they have to treat us with a bit of respect.

What were the conditions like before you came out on strike?

If we asked • for safely guards they laughed in our lace. There was compulsory overtime, we had lo clean the toilets ourselves and had no canteen Pacilities. We were e programme? local elections. Labour was openly right-wing in Birmingham - and lost. In Lambeth and Lothian Labour had made left wing promises, then failed to deliver - and lost. In Islington a campaigning Labour Party had shown its will to