[to those of the member- sizes once more…]

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to those of the member- sizes once more the need ship. Left control of the for an end to 'uneconomic union machine is a tremen- mining capacity' It states dous gain, but it will always that '12% of annual output attract the wrong kind of is obtained from collieries supporters and maximise which are presently the temptation not to relate unprofitable, representing to the ordinary rank and an annual loss of some file. £250M'.

In his desire to turn the NUM into a campaigning union and deepen the links with the membership, Scargill has outlined a broad project involving: •A restoration to miners ot the 20% cut in real earnings he argues has been suffered during the Gormley years, as • well as a programme of wider welfare benefits to improve the standard of life. • opposition to any pit closure for reasons other than exhaustion of reserves to be enforced by strike action.

strike action to be immediately called if the Tebbit Law is used. • opposition to the witchhunt in the Labour Party, defence of the democratic gains, and a fight against Healey and Hattersley.

Context

Scargill has argued that all these tasks must be seen in the context of a fight to remove Thatcher from Downing Street. He has constantly argued that the two issues of wages and closures will become increasingly intertwined, that the success in the skirmish with the Tories in early 1981 must not breed complacency: . and that miltant policies for the benefit of the mineworkers are steering the NUM into another direct conflict with the Thatcher government.

Thatcher has little room for manoeuvre. In capitalist terms the position of the coal industry is a bleak one. The latest NCB 'State of the Industry Briefing' empha### Closure Against a background of falling demand for coal in a competitive market, tight government financial restraints, and grants which fall far below those which subsidize other EEC coal industries (UK aid works out at £3.70 per tonne compared with £10.90 per tonne for West German coal) a Board which is losing f1.5M per working day has one alternative: the closure of pits which push up, the price of coal and pull down the rate of profit, and a tight control over wage increases which will do the same.

It is in this context that we have to view the cam -paign against closures which recently focused on the Snowden Colliery in the Kent Coalfield. It is also against this backdrop that the NCB will face the new wage claim, ratified at Inverness.

This claim which would work out at some 31% is to bring the basic minimum of surface workers up from £87.80 to £115. All other grades would receive commensurate flat rate increases, so that the minimum for the highest paid face workers would increase from £121 to £148.

The NCB claim that this would cost £420 million.

Also on the table - and every bit as important -are retirement at 55, a four day week with no loss of earnings, and salary status.

This type of claim is in itself nothing new. With Gormley the NCB could always rely on a little orchestrated brinkmanship, a few crumbs more than the going rate, at the worst a ballot with any leadership campaign being in reality one for acceptance to see them through. The real question with any claim is what is done to win it.

Here again Scargill has moved quickly. Instead of the past pattern of delays (which often would have dictated strikes on Midsummer's Day) the claim was submitted to the NCB on July 16th and the Executive have stated that they wish to complete negotiations by the November Ist settlement date.

Overtime

The claim also calls for a special delegate conference to be convened if the claim is rejected, followed by an overtime ban and an executive recommendation that miners should vote for a strike in any ballot.

This claim is absolutely crucial. As Scargill has argued, it must be campaigned for in every coalfield through pithead meetings, rallies and expanded editions of 'The Miner' 'If our membership reject us, it will be seen as a green light to the Board and the Government not only to refuse us on wages but to attack pits, jobs and standards of life'.

Impasse It will also give the green light to Thatcher for an intensified attack on all other sections. What happens in the pits this winter will affect every single worker and the future of the Thatcher Government. We must prepare now.

Whilst the NUM remains the one union Thatcher would prefer not to confront there is no way she can go anywhere near meeting this claim. The scene is set for the development of conditions which could end the three year impasse between Thatcher and the A collision - a political collision with either a decisive breakthrough by the Tories or the removal of the Thatcher Government - is on the cards.

Indeed, Thatcher is already planning for this eventuality. Her advisors have just completed an emergency study of the position if the miners walk Because of the state of the market, , there is a record 50 million tonnes of coal il stock, half of that in the hands of customers.

As you read this, coalbased firms are frantically topping up further. The NCB reckon that with these levels available, an all-out strike would take at least 16 or 17 weeks to achieve the impact of 1974.

Moreover with a slack market, coal is ready at hand,and cheap, from Poland, South Africa and the USA.

Thatcher's advisors believe that coal carriers could tie up at Amsterdam and have their cargo carried in small ships to the non-registered labour ports in the UK. They also hope that as with the 1980 steel strike, coal could be driven around Britain by road.

The Tories are in training camp, and quietly confident that wuile it may go 15 rounds they will get the verdict.

Many S.O. readers will have political differences with Arthur Scargill over a range of issues, from his lack of support for Solidarity in Poland to his lack of direct industrial support for other sections of our class, and his failure to polarise issues sufficiently on the General Council. However, his record is far superior to that of other union leaders, and as Jack Collins of the Kent NUM points out, he will be decisively tested out this winter. We should all stand with him in this test.

In doing so we should argue that there must be no dilution of the full claim.

It provides something worth fighting for. This will mean a long, long strike and the present balance of forces requires an immediate overtime ban to run down stocks.

Black

The NUM should immediately seek undertakings from all other unions to black all coal in the event of a stoppage to avoid the type of suicidal delays that we saw during the steel strike. Plans for mass pickets should be prepared now, and the NUM should campaign for solidarity strikes by other workers. A campaign for other unions to bring forward their wage claims to synchronise with the NUM should be started by Scargill and McGailey on the TUC General Council.

The watchword should be: Remember, 1926! Organise now! NCB Rates: £5 for three months, £8:75 for six months, and £16 for a year.

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each week: £12 for three months.

Bundle of 10: £21 for three months.

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To: Socialist Organiser, '28 Middle Lane, London N8 8PL.

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Socialist Organiser no. 97 Aùgüst 26°1982 Pagè'10

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out of the pits this winter. John Harris