Labour's theories

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to overcome the barriers to faster progress thrown up by private enterprise'. It does not seem to understand the difference between capitalist progress and socialist progress, and that one barrier to capitalist 'progress' is the resistance of workers to speed-up, de-skilling and job-loss. The report also recognises that ST is seen as hazardous to the environment, and that there is mounting opposition to nuclear and chemical weapons. It says that there is 'concern' over nuclear power (the British art of understatement lives on!). With surprise, it notes that 'even information technology is viewed with suspicion' ', as if the possibility of mass electronic surveillance and information control is not alarming! It mentions important ethical questions raised by developments in medical research, but curiously gives 'test-tube' babies as an example. This is hardly an issue, except for theofar less important chaaint and is certainly pensive heart transplants, or medically-induced tranquilliser addiction, etc., etc.

Unfortunately, no position is taken or even suggested on these issues, so will the STSG end up sitting on the fence?

When talking about what STSG will or should do, the report improves markedly. It talks of redirecting ST towards solving social problems and needs, and calls for a radical change in research priorities - at present, some 53% of British research is devoted to offence.

It lists political objectives of the Labour Party which ST should be steered towards: • Full employment, • Improvement of nature of work and working conditions, • Fairer distribution production and wealth, • Decentralisation industry, • Democratic control and access to information society, • and what they call 'Varied employment patterns' It calls for a democratic framework for ST to establish the general direction of research and development, but sees this as including govenment, management, trade unions and the scientific community. It does not understand that at least two of these components have opposing interests and that such a framework could not remain standing for long.

Making a passing reference to the exclusion of women from ST, it calls for a closing of the gulf between STand arts and humanities at all levels of of of education. But it sees the aim of this to be the closing of the division between the scientific community, and industrialists, civil servants, administrators and politicians, i.e., the hierarchy of society. Socialists, however, need to find ways of removing this group from power, rather than improve its scientific knowledge. We also need to build links between the scientific community and the labour movement.

The report ends with more nationalist chichés about regenerating Britain's economy and British society, having completely ignored international issues throughout.

But the Programme of Work which is then set out contains many areas of interest for socialists, and we should therefore attempt to influence the STSG in its work.

We should prepare submissions to it on such Les issues as: 1. its initial perspectiv i.e., that capitalist indust is inevitably polluting, a careless • of worker health and job satisfacti - and that capitalist mer cine is biassed towards ti more " profitable hig technology, drug-based sensational approaches health, etc. 2: how socialist plannin democratic control and { should relate to each other 3. what are the soci problems and needs that socialist science poli should address.

But, primarily we need see that the STSG is n ignored by labour mov ment activists, and that be opened up to partic pation by the rank and fi (there are no rank and fi Labour Party members ‹ it!), rather than continuir to meet in out of the wi committee rooms in Houses of Parliament.

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Socialist Organiser no. 101 September 23 1982 Page 13 .... ..dg.