Anti-Apartheid clings to sectarian stance

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thing.

[Tadeusz Grabski, a 'hard liner' in the ruling party, has recently come out publicly against Jaruzelski, saying that the country is in caos): Grabski is a representative of the so-called hard line faction, the pro-Moscow faction. But this division between the conservative, or hard-line, wing, and the liberal wing, is artificial.

90p Fine Lawrence Welch Bob THE fight to make the Anti-Apartheid Movement withdraw its official opposition to direct links between unions in this country and independent, non-racial trade unions inside South Africa continued at this year's AGM.

The Socialist Forum for Southern African Solidary, (SOFSAS), a broad grouping. of socialists including Socialist Organise: supporters, put a resolution calling for the AAM "to use its influence and contacts in the British trade union movement ... to support, strengthen and extend those links between British and South African unions which are organised in conjunction with the independent, non-racial trade unions in South Africa."

A further resolution was put by the CPSA calling for the AAM to "promote exchange visits at all levels of the Labour movement based on the concrete need of South African workers, and to assist in the formation of international trade union combine committees in those companies which invest in South Africa."

Until now the attitude the AAM, reflecting that of the ANC and its trade union wing, SACTU, has been unreservedly hostile to these proposals. They have employed a long list of generally bad arguments to sustain their opposition to this elementary form of international working class solidarity.

Cast

Why has there been this irrational hostility? Mainly because the non-racial trade union movement• among black workers, the strongest force for change in South Africa, has grown up independently not only of the apartheid state but also of the ANC, the South African CP and SACTU. They fear that their own leadership cannot control the escalating struggle in South Africa, a fear, in brief, that they cannot keep black workers in their place as a supporting cast for a struggle directed by themselves.

Their opposition to direct union-to-union links is one example of a generally sectarian stance toward what has in fact been the most exciting development in the South African struggle for yairs - the tremendous growth of nontacial unionism. That is why they pretend that SACTU, based mainly in exte, with no affillated organisations in South Africa, represents the entire black working class, while they generally ignore the views of the unions. which actually have organised tens of thousands of black workers.

Well, what happened this year? The AAM executive amended the CPSA resolution to cut out any reference to direct union-tounion contact, meanwhile they amended the SUFSAS resolution, seemingly in a 'friendly' way, adding the condition that "such solidarity is pursued within the context of the policies of the AAM for the isolation of the apartheid regime and in support of the national liberation struggle."

We of course accepted this amendment. So on the one hand they opposed direct links with their customary ferocity, and on the other hand they supported them with vaguely worded conditions attached. No one knows what the AAM position now is, but it is clear both that they have conceded some ground to the demands of the trade union movement inside South Africa and that the AAM apparatus will continue to try to block We must try and turn this shift into a foundation for an entirely new approach to. solidarity work:

There was a resolution from the local AA branch at York complaining about the ineffectiveness of solidarity action taken by AAM in support of striking black workers at Rowntree in South Africa. Against the express wishes of Rowntree supporting meetings organised by the AAM, and against the wishes of the local Rowntree unions, the campaign had been based on the "Think Before You Eat" boycott slogan.

A Socialist Organiser supporter pointed out that Jim Tolton, a shop steward from Rowntree in Leicester, who has been active in support of solidarity with black workers in South Africa, had been fired.

She called on the AAM to send a message of support to Jim, a message of protest to the management, and to use their influence within the AUEW to insure that a vigorous campaign is pursued for Jim's reinstatement. We must see to it that Jim is not left in the lurch.

omy.

ON OCTOBER 6, the Sec.

ond Military Court of mart.

ial law in Istanbul ordered the arrest of 18 trade unionists and senior members of democratic associations;

and so far death penalties have been demanded against ten of them.

Moreover, the military prosecutor, who has let the trial of 52 DISK trade union leaders drag on since December 1981, has decided to turn into a mammoth trial, by including each of the 29 federations which are affiliated to DISK.

This means that the '18' are to be brought to trial together with the '52' Consequently, the number under threat of a death penalty has risen to 62.

In the same preas release as announces the order to arrest the 18, the DISK office in exile states that: "With regard to the banning of the Solidarity trade union in Poland, DISK asserts its firm adherence to the principles of free trade unionism, as stated by the International Labour Organisation".

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Organiser no.107 November 4 1982 Page 5