The Protestants and British imperialism

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Protestant workers demonstrate against Catholic housing I AM writing to take up and disagree with John O'Mahony's article on Ireland in SO 113.

The article is supposed to be dealine with Militant's politics but in reality, presents O'Mahony's own views on Ireland.

In this I think he shares an erroneous view with the Editorial in issue 112, which talks about the solution in Ireland being "some form of federal, united Ireland (since when was thia an nnliev?l with ac TINT AA an much autonomy for the Protestant minority compatible with the of the Irish people estate whole.

First of all, quite obviously, the only solution is a socialist, united Ireland.

But as O'Mahony correctly says, on the road to that are other demands: I don't think any form of autonomy for the Protestants should be one of those demands.

Of course they should have freedom of religion, etc. But insofar as they are a community tney laenuty themselvar thruch thair as is pro-imperialism. VICH rights As long as this distinet, as a pro-imperialist base. organised as such, exists, with full or limited autonomy, then it will be impossible for the irish people to begin to solve their problems.

The fact is that the Republican movement is anti-imperialist, as is most ot the Catholic population.

Comrade O'Mahony tries to minimise their strength, but this is not the really important point.

Northern Ireland ... is dominated economically and militarily by imperialism. The starting point tor us must be the struggle to end that.

Of course, within that struggle we attempt to give it a class content by fighting for the Permanent Revolution.' In this we oppose the solely nationalist illusions of the Provisionals and their conscious antagonising of the Protestant working class.

Connecting.

This means connecting the anti-imperialist struggle with the need for the working class to take power through a socialist This means that within united class struggles, like the NHS, we raise the connection of anti-capitalism with anti-imperialism.

Trade union struggles are not "sub-political"; they are spontaneous, but contain within them the possibilities for developing the consciousness of the more reactionary elements in the working class.

But the starting point of this is to break down the pro-imperialism of. the Protestant workers.

Softens Britain is an imperialist country, specifically the country oppressing Ireland. It is the duty of socialists in Britain to prove their anti-imperialism. The stress on "democratic" solutions, in an imperialist: "democracy" the dissolving of defence of the Republican movement in a mass of words defending the Protestant community, I think only softens the principled approach to the liberation struggle.

Comrade O'Mahony may say that the Provisionals are for a federal solution. But the PLO also want a state in the West Bank. We do not tail-end these movements. The only solution is a united Ireland which we fight to be socialist, as we fight for the smashing of the state of Israel.

TONY RICHARDSON

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Not court action but the organisation and agitation of the rank and file have stalled the tion. but the absence of any And on Monday 10th the recommendation is a clear organisation sub-commit- indication of disarray. majority to defer any deci- secretary Jim Mortimer sion on Militant unti the had been sent away over full NEC meeting on Jan- Christmas to work out a uary 26. Any proposals witch-hunter's definition of IN THE end only John Golding voted against endorsing Peter Tatchell as Labour candidate for Bermondsey at the Labour Party organisation subcommittee meeting on Monday 10th.

Michael Foot's attempt to claim the episode as a victory for himself could not disguise the bloody nose that he and the right wing had got after Bermondsey's overwhelming re-selection of Thatchell in Sunday 9th. Peter Tatchell and Bermondsey were, atter all, one of their first listed targets in the witch-hunt.

Endorsed

Only just over a year ago Foot told us: 'Mr Tatchell is not an endorsed member of the Labour Party and as far as I am concerned he never will be"

The right wing difficulties do not stop at Bermondsey. In other areas too the witch-hunt has slowed down.

Just before Christmas the National Executive Committee (NEC) cancelled a meeting they had arranged with officers of Hornsey Constituency Labour Party, and lifted the threat to disband the Party if it didn't comply with their diktat and exclude Tariq Ali by December 31. They told Hornsey that they needed further consulta_witch-hunters.

tee voted by a significant Labour Party general tortuous and lengthy document which proposed a retreat from expelling Militant supporters. If Militant would agree not to be la Party within a Party', then that would be all right. Mortimer wanted to proceed • 'cautiously and properly'.

The stated reason for deferring a decision was that there was new legal advice, and a new letter from Militant's lawyers. Does this justify Militant's threat of legal action?

No. It is wrong in principle to appeal to the capitalist courts as arbiter of the affairs of the labour movement; and it won't work. Militant's resort to legal threats has led to the witch-hunt plans being expanded from selective expulsions to wholesale proscription. And their attempt to get an injunction before the December NEC meeting was thrown out by the High Court.

We should not be surprised that the Party establishment has emphasised the legal problems. It is unlikely that they would put down their difficulties to fear of widespread resistance in the Party - though Mortimer privately warned the November NEC, 'Labour cannot afford to alienate large numbers of its activists or to come into collision with a significant number of Constituency Labour Parties in the approach to the General In addition to the threat of legal action, widespread solidarity and defiance are common features of the Hornsey and Militant affairs and BermondSocialis, Organiser no,115 January sey.

Neither Peter Tatchell nor Bermondsey CLP ever threatened to take the NEC to court. What defeatod the witch-hunt was the solid support in the constituency, and the massive solidarity beyond it. As Peter Tatchell said on Monday:

'The NEC decision to endorse my candidature is not a personal victory, nor even simply a victory for Bermondsey Labour Party. It is a victory for all in the labour movement who have fought to uphold the democratic right of CLPs to choose their own parliamentary candidate"

The whole rigmarole of the register is a testimony to the right wing's lack of support in the Labour Party. They couldn't just boot people out, because they would never have got away with it. Indeed, they had to say that the register was nothing to do with a witch-hunt to get it through Party conference.

This is the root of the disarray and difficulties of the right wing and the Party establishment.

But they haven't given up. When Dennis Skinner proposed on Monday 10th that the witch-hunt be dropped, he was defeated by 12 votes to 5.

Bermondsey has shown the only way that it can still be beaten. FRINGE meetings at all Labour Party Regional Conferences; local meetings with speakers from the Campaign group of MPs; a letter to trade unionists from Ernie Roberts, Reg Race and Joan Maynard -these are some of the activities spelled out in the latest mailing from Labour Against the Witch-hunt, which will be circulated at the end of the week.

In addition, there are details of an advert to be published in Tribune on March 4, signed by Constituency Labour Parties committed to resisting the right's purge and labour movement individuals and organisations prepared to support them. Signatories will be asked to contribute £3 towards the cost of the advert, which reads:

We are committed to a Labour victory at the next General Election on the basis of the policies agreed by Annual Conference. Any witch-hunt would endanger the Party Unity required to achieve such a victory: We therefore call on the right-wing majority of the National Executive Committee halt all disciplinary measures against Party members, groups of members Constituency Labour Parties.

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ANOTHER GHETTOI

would have had to go to the 'membership' of Militant. full meeting in any case, His reply was reportedly a