French lessons for Lahnur

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FRANCE'S Socialist-led government goihg through its equivalent of the last British Labour government's 1975-6 turn to cuts at the behest of the International Monetary Fund.

It has announced a new package of austerity measures and a government reshuffle.

It is the quid pro quo for an agreement with other EEC powers in the European Monetary System (EMS) to readjust exchange rates and thus allow a devaluation of the franc. (The EMS normally fixes exchange rates within a certain range, in order to give more stability for capitalists doing international business in the EEC).

IMF team

To complete the picture, an IMF team arrived in Paris on Wednesday 23rd - though the IMF declared that it was just its routine annual survey.

The French government wanted devaluation because of their foreign trade deficit - $14 billion for the last 12 months. They hope the devaluation will improve this by reducing imports.

The austerity measures Mitterrand are designed to deflate' the French economy, reduce imports, cure the trade deficit, and avoid further devaluations.

The Socialist-led government came to power in 1981 with a policy similar to the Alternative Economic Strategy. It was more radi-" cal in some respects, such as nationalisations. It

increased minimum wages and legislated for a one hour reduction in the work week without loss of pay.

The result? An inrush of imports, the trade deficit, rapid inflation and unemployment slightly up, at 2 million (9.4%).

German

Last June the government shelved most of its programme and went for wage controls and deflation. It was rather like July 1975 in Britain - the Jack Jones/Dennis Healey £6 limit. Now the new economic course will be dramatically confirmed.

The French Communist Party's answer is in line with their slogan - 'No to a German Europe' . ''The Germans and the Belgians want to bring us to heel"

In truth the main enemy is closer to home - French capital. The CP is only counterposing the capitalist policy of the 1930s - protectionism - to the capitalist policy of the 1980s, and pumping nationalist poison into the French working class in the process.

What are the lessons for the British labour movement?

The National Economic Brent East Labou called for the witl the SPG from the WOODS reports.

Assessment idea _ got overwhelming support from Labour Party conference because it was presented as a way of extending working class power via collective bargaining to issues beyond wages and conditions. In fact it is just the opposite: a means of hamstringing the unions. The campaign document and the TUC-LP document make this clear.

There is a lot about industrial democracy, but nothing about forcing the bosses to do anything they don't want to. The bosses are to be conciliated and cajoled: meanwhile the unions undertake "the responsibility with employers to ensure that industrial relations arrangements contribute to the needs of economic reconstruction and that any disputes are conducted with proper regard for the interests of the community and in accordance with TUC guidelines"

A Labour government could either fight for the interests of the working class, or aim for social harmony within capitalism. It cannot do both.

It can support every fight for better pay, or try to trim wages to the level suitable • Party has Idrawal of area. MICK

for profit-making. It can cut the work week without loss of pay, and spend millions on public services instead of arms — or try to nudge capitalism into expanding fast enough to reduce unemployment.

It can support workers'

control, or try to "appeal to managers". • It can take over the commanding heights of industry and finance and make democratically-controlled economic planning possible, or be the victim of the ebbs and flows and capital. It can link up with working class struggles internationally, or be tied by the constraints of collaboration with other capitalist governments.

It cannot do both.

And the same principle applies to the TUC. It can represent workers' interests. Or it can be the general conciliator of all classes. But not both.

Labour's radical conference policies are moves on the class-struggle road. The job of socialists is to fight for implementation of those policies while also explaining the mass struggles and the overall revolutionary programme which we think will be necessary to get them implemented. OVER 60 people attended a meeting following the arrest of a Tower Hamlets councillor at a Colin Roach demonstration the previous week.

The • response clearly shows concern at the lack of an explanation or any response from the authorities by Susan Carlyle In the police bus, where he discovered his ear was bleeding, he realised that the police would have to accuse him of assault to justify their actions during his arrest. The need to discredit him was continued in the refusal of the police to allow bail on thetic solicitors and legal aid is also meeting weekly to co-ordinate the many defendants, for whom money must be raised.

The campaign has extended to include the demand: 'Drop all charges' Labour councillors organ-