[by the army and fascists. This repression is…]

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by the army and fascists.

This repression is the answer of the military junta now in power in Turkey to the experiment in self-administration carried out in Fatsa after the election of the revolutionary socialist Fikri Sön- rooke mez as mayor in Oçtober 1979.

The politicisation of the town had begun in the mid-'60s, with the 'Cultural Association of Trade union organisation conFatsa' and the 'Workers' Party tinued to grow, 'People's HousYes' were set up, and resistance of Turkey' • There were demonstrations against the local bank committees were established in and cooperative, which were each area of the town. In 1979 cheating the area's hazelnut these resistance committees put forward Fikri Sönmez as their growers. 'Committees against exploitation' were set up in the candidate for mayor. villages around Fatsa. He declared: "Our goal is the Fascists and the army inter- liberation and rule of the workvened to break up demonstra-. for myself alone. I am the candi- ing class.. I am not a candidate tions, and fascists murdered date put forward by the revolumany in an attempt to terrorise tionary movement of Turkey... the population. The nearby vil- Whoever becomes mayor, we lage of Kizildere was razed to will lead the town's administrathe ground by the Turkish air tion. The people will lead it. We force in 1972, after members of will organise and carry this out the 'Popular Liberation Army of together"

Turkey' who had kidnapped Despite legal manoeuvres and some American army officers fascist terror, Sönmez won with took refuge there. But the work- 62% of the vote. The town's ers and peasants in and around administration was completely Fatsa refused to yield. restructured. It became a mere contract for a of the compPublished by Socialist Forum for Southern Africa Solidarity.

Available (at 90p plus 20p post) c/o SO, 28 Middle Lane, London N8. 90p BOb Fine executive body, with all decisions being diseussed and made by the working people uf Fatsa themselves.

The main outlet for the sale of four was taken out of private ownership and became the proand received a decent wage. The bus company no longer needed to pay extortionate amounts for parking space. Fares were reduced and drivers' wages increased.

Opposition came from the right wing leader of the council Paul Beasley, and a number of trade unionists, especially trom the EETPU, who claimed to represent Plessey workers.

Why Plessey? They have large investments in South Africa, through two subsidiaries, Plessey (SA) and TMSA (Telephone Manufacturers). They have supplied military in violation of the 1977 Africa UN mandatory arms embargo. In 1979 they were found to be training South African army personnel on military radar, and in 1981 to be exporting military radar to South Africa.

Most importantly, the TMSA (which Plessey owns jointly with GEC) is a union-bashing company which has managed to enlist the (perhaps unwitting) cooperation of the leadership of British unions in their suppression of black workers.

In 1980 Plessey and GEC management invited - representatives from the EETPU and ASTMS to visit South Africa, all expenses paid, to see their 'fair' treatment of black workers. The unions accepted this offer after consulting the TUC International Committee.

When the non-racial independent unions in South Africa heard about this company-sponsored visit, they would have nothing to do with it. They only favour links formed by and with the unions themselves.

The British deputation was introduced instead to the 'Radio and Television Union' , a stooge organisation set up by the comMAYIS waectarad in Anril 10en 70 nan Vinmor v eo be ıı 1900 . ‹v, vv people attended - three times the population of Fatsa.

The army moved in in July 1980. It was a rehearsal for the coup in which they seized state power two months later.

On July 11 troops converged on Fatsa. Ten masked men, five of whom turned out later to be known fascist criminals, pointed out the leading militants. A total curtew was imposed, and 390 people were arrested in the first pany to try to forestall the growth of the real union, MAWU (Metal & Allied Workers' Union, an affiliate of FOSATU).

Soon after a bitter dispute broke out between MAWU and the company, and the British affiliates of the International Metal Workers' Federation, presumably influenced by the meeting with the stooge 'union' , refused to respond to a request for assistance from MAWU.

The grievances of the black workers were numerous. They objected to the company's deduction from their wages of dues to the stooge union: to a 150% increase in production targets: to abusive and racially insulting treatment by management: to arbitrary dismissals: to a pension scheme in which workers could not withdraw contributions until retirement at age 65; to the employment of well-educated blacks in menial jobs; and to an arbitrary foreman of two black orders led to an all-out strike.

One MAWU official was arrested, and a FOSATU official banned. Many pickets were arrested as the company tried to introduce scab labour. Workers who sat in after the company closed the plant were beaten up by the security police. The company refused to negotiate with MAW, Claiming to recognise only their stooge 'union'.

The police prevented workers from meeting in the township and under this pressure the strike DISK Then: on the streets. Now: under the boot The military operation was extended to the villages around Fatsa. Armed clashes occurred, with many casualties. The number of arrests soon passed 1,000. Fascists joined the military in their work.

Now those arrested are being brought to trial, and are appealing for international solidarity. The Turkey Solidarity Campaign is discussing further action with Hackney, and also with councillors in Islington. began to collapse. 60 per cent of the African workforce lost their jobs and were replaced by Coloured workers - a deliberate attempt to exploit racial divisions.

MAWU has begun to organise afresh, and FOSATU are calling for the expulsion from the international Metal Workers' Federation of unions which collaborate so closely with the bosses and the apartheid state.

The right wing councillors and union leaders argued that Tower Hamlets' decision not to do business with Plessey will cost British workers jobs.

This is false. Plessey's labour force in Britain fell from 61,778 in 1912 to 35,922 in 1981, with further reductions planned at a rate of 5 to 10 per cent per year. This has nothing whatever to do with Tower Hamlets' rejection of their £½ million deal.

But it has everything to do with Plessey's exploitation of black labour in South Africa.

Tower Hamlets' decision has highlighted the need for workers there and here to show each mutual solidarity against a common boss. Otherwise Plessey will continue to play off one group against the other.

We should ask workers in Plessey to complement Tower Hamlets' gesture by forging links with MAWU (c/o FOSATU, 2 Goodhope St, Bellville South, 7530 Cape, 021 951412) and to demand that their union leaders support rather than impede the struggles of black workers.

International solidarity a luxury, but a necessity. THE TURKISH military government last month published its draft trade union law. An analysis produced by the left-wing union federation DISK shows that this law provides for 'not a trade union in the general and democratic sense, but corporatist semi-state organisation given the name of a trade union by the law"

'Trade unions" , the law says, "may no longer have political aims or relate to or collaborate with political activities• or parties... The state has the power of administrative and financial supervision over unions and federations"

To be elected as a trade union official or delegate, the law requires ten years of continuous employment. In the conditions of Turkey, that rules out practically all militant workers. And if a trade union leader is convicted under any of a wide range of laws, the union can be dissolved.

Any union which has not adapted its statutes to the law's requirements within five months will be "automatically dissolvsolved". The analysis points out that this clause is specially aimed at DISK.

If a genuine union does manage to establish itself, its right to take strike action is restricted to almost nothing:

•'Political strikes,. general strikes, solidarity strikes, factory occupations, go-slows, the reduction of productivity and other actions of resistance are illegal strikes"

A strike can be legal only if it is over demands for a collective agreement (and not always even then). The law lays down a complicated procedure that unions must go through - applying (to the state) for the opening of negotiations, going through a mediator, giving strike notice, etc.

At the earliest a strike cannot take place until 6½ months after the first approaches. And then strikes to force the implementation of an agreement can never be legal.

The law also bans all strikes in many industries, and gives the state wide powers to ban lor refer to compulsory arbitration) any strike considered harmful to 'national security' or 'the interests of society' TURKEY Turkey Solidarity Campaign: BM Box 5965, London WC1 3XX. Affiliation fee: national organisations f25, district organisations/TCs £10, local organisations/TU branches £5, individuals £3.

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no.126 ..AND WEVE ADDEMOLEU

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Power fits to lour and breat town spray The attendants became the town's employees