[JOIN THE LAC Join the Leyland Action Committee…]

Scan page 14

JOIN THE LAC Join the Leyland Action Committee Contact: 194 Dawlish Ru, Birmingham 29 A Class Fighter The Bomb and how to get rid of it - a new pam-i phlet from Class Fighter., 10p plus postage from Class Fighter, 214, Sickert Court. London N1 IN THE explanation of the 'multiplier' in my article on Keynes last week, I made an arithmetical blunder. It does not affect the argument but I had better explain it.

I gave the example of a £1 million cut in investment in circumstances where people on average save 20% and spend 80% of income at the margin.

Any cut in demand leads to a cut in income - lost income by the workers and capitalists who would otherwise get wages and profits making the goods demanded - and therefore to a further cut in demand, to the amount of 80% of the lost income. The f1 million cut in investment therefore leads to a total cut in income of il million, plus 80% of £l million, plus 80% of 80% of £1 million, plus 80% of 80% of 80% of £1 million etc....

I wrote that this total amounts £4 million. In fact it is £5 Another way of looking at it is this. To balance the £1 million cut in investment we need a El million cut in savings. But a £1 m cut in savings corresponds to a f5 million cut in income. thus the £1 millon' cut in savings requires a cut in total income (and equally in total demand) of MARTIN THOMAS HODKIN JONES: APOLOGY.

Due to lack of time and misinformation, it was incorrectly stated in last week's SO (no. 136) that the workers in dispute at Hodkin and Jones had returned to work. This is untrue. The workers are still out and scab labour is in use. I apologise and will make a £10 donation to the strike fund! A fuller report will follow SIDAWAY Lairds shipyard, Birkenhead, have now said that 600 more workers will be laid off this week (beginning June 20), and the yard closed down the week after, if there is no return to work by the welders.

Those boilermakers on fixed term contracts which finished on June 17, who would normally have got an extension, have been sent a letter telling them they are sacked.

At the welders meeting on Thursday June 16 they voted by a large majority to stay out until the 15p coded welding allowance is paid in full, and all those who were working it Lairds when the strike started are reinstated. This means that no-one returns to work without thost on fixed term contracts also returning.

The boilermakers' stewards' committee has reaffirmed its support for the welders, and has also said that the boilermakers will not return to work without the fixed term workers. The committee met again today, June 20, to discuss ways of stepping up the action and bringing the strike to an carly settlement. We have yet to hcar what the rest of the Confed stewards plan to do.

Scan page 15

Raveneed S TORRI 122/1 COHSE, once a: union which fitted its name, is slowly changing.

It is no longer a safe haven for health workers who want to shirk the militancy often connected with NUPE membership; it is no longer a non-political union where Tory trade unionists can survive with no problems of conscience.

And, slowly but noticeably, it is becoming a difficult union for the bureaucrats. The stranglehold of the officials is beginning to loosen.

This year's conference, following immediately after the general election, offered a real chance for the COHSE leadership to give a warning to the Tories that it would not tolerate five more years of low pay and increasing rundown of the NHS.

It could have promised and supported firm policies for a real fightback.

Instead, the new general secretary, right winger David Williams, avoided any talk of positive action on pay or privatisation.

The conference was a mixture of successes and failures for the left. The first major victory came on the opening morning with a successful challenge to standing orders and a resolution carried on total opposition to Tebbit, including support for secondary action, rejection of any state financing for secret ballots, and non-payment of any fines.

But Williams quickly bounced back and got through a rule change "to protect the members" which effectively complies with some of the provisions of the Employment Act.

Disunity on the left was particularly apparent in deciding whether or not to support an NEC recommendation to raise contributions for two years in order to set up a strike fund. Only a handfül of Group 81 (COHSE Broad Left) supporters argued for the left to support the resolution.

For others, suspicion and mistrust of how the money would be administered overrode the political significance of having an established strike fund as we come into a period of intensive attacks on the NHS by the Tories.

This uncoordinated approach continued throughout the conference and effectively blocked any real left strategy during many of the debates. Group 81 gained a reputation and a following at last year's conference. This year it was subjected to a growing threat by sectarian and propagandist positions.

The pay debate was particularly important. However, instead of having a clear call to COHSE support a resolution calling for a flat rate increase of at least £20 per week for all NHS staff, the left was split.

The resolution which was passed was a straight Militant demand for a minimum weekly wage of two-thirds the national average. This formula has time and time again been shown to be unworkable and meaningless and the fact that the NEC could recommend its acceptance should have been a warning.

However, frustration with this year's two-year settlement meant another defeat for the right wing officials when they argued that mandating them to negotiate only one year settlements would "tie our hands" The debate coincided with the distribution of an NEC statement demanding a reopening of pay talks on the 83/84 settlement.

The President tried his best to pronounce the resolution lost but was forced to call a card vote, and the resolution was carried by 300 votes.

Resolutions on privatisation were composited to produce a hard hitting call for a real fight. Williams pulled the new rule change out of his hat and argued that it was out of order. The debate could possibly have been won, but mindful of previous defeats the President limited the contributions and cut short the speakers.

Williams, anxious to develop and promote his own style of leadership, spent the first day or so getting the feel of the conference. He talked about the need to re-establish trust, his desire to defend the membership. • But the cliche-ridden facade crumbled quickly and permanently during the last few days. His speeches during the TUC and Labour Party sections were full of empty claims of desire for unity and strength in fighting the Tories. He said that it was time to "unite together" to "end the left attacking the right and the right attacking the left"

But when he had the opportunity to do just that by supporting a resolution from Hackney to stop the expulsions and support the Greenwich amendment at Labour Party conference, he showed his real witch-hunting intent.

Following vicious speeches attacking the left as "maggots, flies and leeches who should be excised soon" , Williams proclaimed that there is. no witch-hunt.

It was an amazing display of the true Williams - a right wing, empire-building witchhunter who is determined to get rid of anyone who opposes him. He refused to allow Michael Meacher, a COHSE-sponsored MP, to address the Conference.

With such clear notice of the fight ahead, the left must now consolidate and build a fighting cohesive alternative.

The week was marred by the political insensitivity of the SWP who produced a leaflet on the first day containing a scathing 'obituary' of Spanswick.

JOHN HARRIS This cleared the way for a full-scale attack on all the left in a special debate about the leaflet.

Clearly the SWP preferred to divert the attack from issues to personalities in an attempt to salvage some attention.

Militant supporters spent the week using the machinery and conference floor for pure propaganda purposes. They closed ranks and went on the defensive when challenged. Rather than fight for policies which will advance the offensive against the leadership and unite activists to build an alternative Militant are concerned only with building the Militant tendency.

But despite the problems and set back there were strong advances. More delegates than ever before are activists and accountable to their branches.

Standing orders committee for the first time was not under the control of the officials or the right wing. The steady pressure for democracy in the union, begun by Group 81, paid off.

Having fought for two years to force the NEC to implement a 1981 resolution for COHSE to affiliate to the National Abortion Campaign, we finally won. It was a victory for women and for democracy!

This year's COHSE confer-. ence did not have a large number of significant political victories, but the union is not the same as it was three years ago. Democracy is breaking in - the right wing rule is being strongly challenged. Socialist Organiser no.137 Page HALIMAT Babamba, who has been fighting for the last 11 months to remain in Britain, heard on June 6 that the Home Office has finally agreed to let her and her children stay permanently.

Halimat has lived and worked in Leeds since 1980 when ste came here with her husband from Nigeria. Hakeem, her eldest son, s now four years odi: Mustapha, 15 months, was born here. Halimat has made her home here and knew: that if she was forced to go back to Nigeria, her husband would get custody of the children and she would be sapar. ated from them.

Halimat says: "| feel so happy and relieved. I've always believed that my home is here and my children's home is here. And I want to say thanks for everyone who fought for me and supported me. Thanks to you all - I'm very grateful."

SUPPORTERS of Parveen Khan will be picketing at 5 Lower Belgrave Street, near Victoria Station in London from 9.45 am on June 29 when her appeal against refusal of welfare benefit is heard.

The DHSS have refused Parveen both Supplementary Benefit and Child Benefit - on the grounds that the Home Office say she is an illegal immigrant.

Parveen came to this country in 1979 to marry Shaukat Khan. They did marry and have two children - Imran and Irfan. In November 1981 the Home Office said that Shaukat had come here illegally as a young boy. They said that this in itself made Parveen an illegal immigrant 'by deception' even though she deceived no-one and told no lies. Shaukat then went into hiding leaving Parveen and the children.

A defence campaign was set up to help Parveen. On two occasions (November. , 1981 and February 1982) this prevented

----- pull-quotes -----

Scrap the bosses! Bomb!

SAYS COYSE R

«Fighting -RACISM-