Hard heads versus the wishful thinking?

Scan page 13

I WAS astonished by the farrago of self-delusion and demagogy which constituted the article by Harry Sloan on the front page of the post-election issue of Socialist Organiser.

Surely the author cannot possibly believe that Thatcher returned to office by grace and favour of 'the prosperous middle classes and [people] in rural areas." it may suit the illusory preconceptions of sections of the Left to believe this to be the case, but it does not correspond to reality.

On page 3 of the same issue Martin Thomas refers to the findings of a Gallup Poll analysed by Ivor Crewe in The Guardian of 13 June. In this, Crewe highlighted the extent of the collapse in working class support for Labour; "among trade unionists the Labour vote was only 7% ahead of the Conservatives", "Labour's share of the working class electorate ... was down to barely a quarter (27%)." 'In 1959, when the Conservatives' overall majority was 100, 62% of manual workers still voted Labour, last Thursday the figure was 38%.

Admittedly Gallup's figures are subject to all the qualifications which must be made concerning such a poll, but it is likely that they are a fair approximation to reality. It may be an uncomfortable reality for the Left to face but it is unavoidable. The task facing socialists is not to hide from these facts, but to try and explain them and derive conclusions for the future.

'Martin Thomas in the article referred to above touched on some of the factors involved but they will require much more extensive analysis. Martin refers to the Falklands War being "a decisive factor". Here he touches upon another uncomfortable truth for socialists, the deep-seated chauvinism of the British working class, especially in the South of England which Thatcher's Falklands adventure stirred to life. How could it be otherwise in a nation with 400 years of imperialist conquest and exploitation behind it?

Again, the lesson is surely not to ignore such phenomenon, but to argue for the rejection of the nationalistic perspective within Labour's programme which avoids a confrontation with chauvinist instincts. • Further illusory perspective was expressed in a short piece on page 3 of the same issue of Socialist Organiser, referring to the problems now facing the SDP. It may be the case tht careerists "will now stream out" of the Alliance.

But wishful thinking is no substitute for analysis, and the reality is that in over 100 constituencies in the South of England, the Alliance now runs second to the Tories. A swing of 5% or more. away from the Tories at the next general election would likely put these seats in Alliance rather than Labour hands, making the Alliance the major opposition force in Parliament.

Of course, such a scenario can easily be overthrown by many other factors at play, but, again, we witness an unconvincing haste to duck the facts in order to make reality fit tired preconceptions.

Unless we face the full magnitude of the task that confronts democratic socialists, then we will fall back on ancient rallying cries that lead us to political irrelevance. Fight on, proclaims Harry Sloan, 'there is nowhere for us to run to". Don't you believe it. Certainly there is nowhere for the working class to run to, but there can be little doubt that we will soon witness many of the socialist intelligentsia running about like headless chickens; some will join the SDP, others will happily retreat to the ghetto-like existence of the Leninist sects, whilst others will retire to polishing up the footnotes in their neglected theses and tending herb gardens.

The massive task that confronts us is the transformation of the Labour Party and the trade unions in terms of policy, outlook, accountability and campaigning methods. Refusal to face facts and summonses to "hard line class-war opposition" are no substitute for some hard-headed thinking on these subjects.

JOHN CAMPBELL Glasgow icular struggles, but we should also try to explain to people why we want a socialist society, and as far as possible, what it would be like.

If we come across as negative, good at saying what we're against but not at saying what we're for, then we're not very likely to inspire people, or to convince them that socialism really is a better system.

Also, the Labour Party isn't seen often enough, except on TV and in the papers. Active involvement by the party in the community and workplaces, getting the party known as a part of everyday life, cán change that.

And what's wrong with the local ward being known for good discos and for showing good films as well as for directing the tenants association?

ALISON JEFFRIES, London.