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fested itself in a number of ways.

Fraternal delegates invited to the conference included members of the Soviet miners' "union". . But the latter, like the rest of the "trade union movement" in the Soviet Union, is merely an auxiliary weapon of the ruling bureaucracy to control the werking class, and has nothing at all in common with genuine trade unionism.

And the NEC's annual report presented to conference, whilst rightly condemning attacks on union rights in countries such as Turkey and Chile, was silent upon the repression of Soviet miners such as Klebanov and Nikitin, currently being held in a psychiatric hospital for fighting for union rights. The NUM of course has 'accepted' the Soviet government's account of Klebanov's imprisonment: he is not a jailed trade unionist but a lunatic.

On the question of the repression of free trade unionism in Poland, the Executive's annual report merely states that, "the union has continued to watch closely the developments in And, talking of the Tories' bypocrisy in attacking trade union rights in Britain whilst claiming to support them in Poland, Scargill referred to, "Solidarity in Poland who, so for independence," the insinu- they are fighting ation being that Solidarity was fighting for something different. Capitalist restoration and a Catholic theocracy perhaps?

Almost farcical were the references to the peace-loving Soviet Union during the debate on nuclear disarmament. "Since 1927 Russia has been calling for peace," one delegate told conference. What was so special about 1927 was never explained, taking place in the shadow of Scargill's shameless support for the creation of a new "Miners' International" involving the fake East European unions. The NEC annual report proudly announced that the first congress of this sham international "should be hosted in the spring of 1984 in Great Britain" , and would prove to be "an historie conference for the International Trade Union Movement."

If it is it will be because it splits the NUM off from other miners' unions and tie it to the anti-trade union labour fronts of the Stalinist states.

That Stalinism was so in vogue at this conference does much to explain the roaring business done by the sellers of the Communist Party's Morning Star outside of it.

Interview with Richard Rieser, Secretary of the Inner London Teachers' Association, on its dispute with the ILEA.

What has the dispute been about?

About the ILEA's insistence on compulsorily transferring teachers to alternative positions who they maintain are above the staffing ratios of the school. What was your objection?

Several. Just because the rolls fall, doesn't mean you have to have fewer teachers at school. You've got to maintain the curriculum of the school. It's mainly hitting the secondary schools this year - 250 secondary and - 150 primary teachers are designated to be moved this year.

We have amply demonstrated GREENING's bosses are rethinking their strategy after the hard slap int he face they got from last week's mass meeting.

Only 7 out of 300 voted to go back - more voted to stay on strike after 17 weeks than had originally voted to come out.

They have stopped sending letters to the strikers. The threats and cajolery have all stopped. This may indicate that there is still a spark of intelligent life in there somewhere.

But the strikers aren't taking any bets on it. The bosses could decide to dig themselves deeper into the hole; they may decide they've had enough.

They have made no attempt to contact the union.

that there is widespread educational damage being caused by this selection process.

Overall there are more than 400 teachers who are being moved at the moment. So far only 40 have agreed to move.

The " teachers themselves, because of the method of selection, tend to be women, and ethnic minority teachers.

We feel that this is totally contrary to ILEA's professed policy, which we have pointed out in a letter sent to all ILEA Labour members.

How much support have you got from Constituency Parties?

So far, Hackney North and Greenwich have supported our stand, and a number of members of the Executive Committee of the Greater London Labour Party have spoken on our behalf including Mildred Gordon, Bob ab, Eddie, McParland and other comrades mostly from the Militant tendency.

A vote taken supporting our stand was defeated, with two abstentions - Jeremy Corbyn and Tony Banks. The position put forward by Frances Morrell was carried with the support of all but one of the women's caucus (Angela Brittain) - and Ken Livingstone - who spoke out surprisingly against the teachers' demands.

On 13 June we addressed the whole Labour Group calling on them to consider a moratorium on compulsory transfers. We were asked to withdraw after presenting our case - only one member, we are led to believe, Paul Moore, supported us.

We don't believe we are being divisive in the face of governpicket The spirit of the strikers showed itself last week when 75 turned out to mass picket on a quiet morning.

Delegations from the strikers are going to speak to works committees, -trade union branches, etc. Donations of money are coming in. But not Michelin must be prepared for it.

They will best be able to resist if the rest of the movement shows its support now.

The sluggishness of the official union's response must be countered by militants in the motor industry acting now to black Michelin" . If the labour movement can be won to concerted action in refusing to work on construction and transport or any of the other activities on which the lethal fraud of nuclear "defence" depends then the warmongers can be paralysed.

For 20 years the once-massive movement for nuclear disarmament was dormant. In Britain from 1958 to 1963 ENd could mount demonstrations of up to