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Jeremy Corbyn: MP; Reg Race, Joy Hurcombe (Labour CND)*; Val. Dunn (Manchester Labour councillor)*; Andrea Campbell (COHSE Group 81)*; Colin Talbot (POEU Broad Left) * * In a personal capacity Workshop discussions, coupled with the showing of videos, will cover a wide range of topics and current struggles, and enable everyone present to contribute in debate on policies for CRECHE FACILITIES WILL BE AVAILABLE ALL DAY" A WEEK after 115th TUC has closed, r nilitant trade unionists need to understand what happened.

The 1983 Congress marked a decisive shift from control of the General Council by the Communist Party/Labour Left axis, to a definite (and possibly more permanent) control by a new right wing grouping.

The structural change in the election of the General Council, brought about in 1981, was a direct result of two factors: first the inability of the left to enact a real reform of the TUC away from the domination of block voting by the largest unions; and secondly the shift in numbers away from the industrial unions towards the white collar unions.

The confidence of the right wing in winning this control was expressed in their planning for, fighting for and winning two key composites: Composite 3 on Anti Trade Union Legislation; and Composite 15 on TUC Strategy.

Composite 3, despite a lot of rhetoric, centred on one question: there will be no fight against Tebbit through industrial action; and to oppose the Tory attacks, • the TUC will only use reasoned discussion and explaining to September 17, 10.30am-5pm University of London Union Malet Street, WC1 *So the Tories are back. The bland phrases in their Manifesto are already turning into renewed attacks on jobs, on union rights, new cuts and the privatisation of vital services.

*Already even as Tebbit prepares new ANTI-UNION LAWS - the TUC right wing have run up the white flag.

But Arthur Scargill and Ken Livingstone have correctly pointed to the need for mass, direct action by the labour movement on the streets and picket lines. Our conference will focus on the problems, policies, and tactics for achieving this kind of fight.

* Against previous CUTS, many union leaders wrongly argued we wait for a returned Labour government while Labour councils blamed lack of union action for implementing Tory policies. A new 5-year mandate for Thatcher makes this a plainly useless policy: instead we need occupations, supporting strikes, the extension of struggles on a national level - and we must learn lessons from such struggles in the past.

*PRIVATISATION In British Telecom, the NHS and other services threatens jobs, working conditions and union organisation. But the action Platform and workshop speakers include: the way forward. Stephen Corbishley was a lay delegate to the 1983 TUC from the civil servpractical nature of the proposals?

In an attempt to claw back some credibility; Mick Costello of the Morning Star tried to lump the opponents of this motion as belonging to the Left of the TUC and the against privatisation so far has been either localised and isolated or largely focussed upon protest. We need a plan of action NOW. before the whole public sector is carved up by the bankers.

*The SHOP STEWARDS' MOVEMENT has come under fire in the engineering industry - but has developed in the NHS in the course of last year's pay fight: What policies and politics are needed to rebuild and extend the stewards' movement and defend its independence of full-time union officials and management propaganda?

*New, more radical BROAD LEFTS have been emerging in many unions: but under fire from employers and the right wing. some - like the CPSA Broad Left can crumbie. How can we link Broad Left activity at national level to day-to-day struggles in the workplaces and develop a consisient. principled leadership?

CP in particular (despite naming CP member Jack Henry of UCATT as supporting the But this rewriting of history cannot cover up the role that the CP-influenced or led unions played, not only in creating the composite but giving their own credibility to the right wing.

Backing the Composite moved by Duffy, and seconded by Jenkins, were ASLEF, UCATT, FTAT, FBU and NUPE as well as a list of right wing • All these "unions are part of the 'official left' within the TUC. But no amount the Tories *Many on the left of the LABOUR *Many on the left of the LABOUR PARTY who had fought for left policies PARTY who had fought for left policies and accountability fell silent during and accountability fell silent during the election - despite the right wing the election - despite the right wing sabotage. How can we develop an sabotage. How can we develop an organised, and politically confident left organised, and politically confident left in the Labour Party capable of standing in the Labour Party capable of standing ground under pressure? What kind of ground under pressure? what kind of perspective should be put forward by the perspective should be put forward by the •left to go beyond the limited "Alterna- left to go beyond the limited "Alternative Economic Strategy" which so tive Economic Strategy" which so plainly failed to convince a sceptical plainly failed to convince a sceptical electorate? clectorate?

*With five more years to work *With five more years to work on restoring. "Victorian values" restoring. "Victorian values".

Thatcher's blows will again fall hardest Thatcher's blows will again fall hardest on WOMEN. Why won't the Labour on WOMEN. Why won't the Labour Party and unions develop the special Party and unions develop the special strengths and fighting capacity shown by strengths and fighting capacity shown by women workers, and take their special women workers, and take their special problems seriously? problems seriously?

*BLACK WORKERS too beginning to organise against tacit and are open racism from the bosses, the state, the police and - most scandalous of all, from the labour movement. How can we help develop that struggle?

*Thousands of YOUTH are now faced with another 5 years - seemingly a letime - on the dole. Millions of adults are on the same scrapheap. How can we act at rank and file level to remedy the criminal failure of TUC and Labour Party leaders to organise and mobilise the unemployed? How should the unions respond to the new threats posed by Tebbit's so-called "Youth - Training Scheme"?

*OUR CONFERENCE "How to Fight the Tories" Will attempt to promote discussion. and give some answers to these and other questions facing the labour movement.

ImmI Open tu delegates and observers from all labour movement bodies.

Credentials (including discussion papers) £2.50 (employed), £1.50 (un-. employed).

Picase send me details/credentials for the September 17 conference. 1 enclose £ ... Name ..

Address.

Send to Socialist Organiser, 28, Middle Lène. London N8. (Please mark the envelope 'September 17 Conference'.

of prattling about the first paragraph of Composite 3 ('It emphasised the importance of enlisting the support of the entire labour movement and the need for the GC to coordinate support from affiliated unions with industrial action where appropriate to defend unions if employers use the Acts.') could overcome the fact that the central question was on talks or no talks.

Gill of TASS in moving the amendment which opposed talks (and was lost by 3.59 million to 6.92 million) had no strategy of how to fight, or how to go forward.

The failure of the Left to organise around a clear pole of opposition to talks gave the right wing a more powerful victory than they were entitled to.

This confusion, arising in most cases from the love of the official Left to use the procedures and practices of the TUC against their opponents, became the noose that strangled the chance of building a serious fight against the TUC talking to the Tories.

The power of the right wing (and also proof of the extent of their detailed political preparation for the 1983 Congress) was shown in the success of Composite 15.

Headed 'TUC Strategy' Composite 15 set out - as its author, Alastair Graham of CPSA showed in his speech -not to re-define 'modern trade unionism', but to begin the process of breaking the links between the TUC and the ' At the same time, in rejecting 'industrial action for party political purposes' the motion was complimentary to the Composite 3 on Tory anti-trade union laws. In reality it was a motion opposed to any industrial action that would threaten the Government's control.

The core of the Composite was that the strategy now to be followed by the TUC was talks, followed by... more talks with the Tóries!

The political basis for this Composite, drawn up and supervised by Graham of CPSA arises from a viewpoint of trade unionism based on the American model where trade unions wheel and deal with the two capitalist parties, whichever Government is in power.

But at the core of it is the notion that the trade unions should abandon any idea of supporting an independent workers' political party designed to challenge the forces of capital.

The most marked fact however about the debate and on the TUC came to getting co completely overwhelming vote for this Composite.

The T&GWU and NUPE were both commited to support Composite 15, though the T&G wanted some assurances given by the mover.

Yet it was only as progressed and it became clearer how much this Composite was directed at first weakening and then in the long term cutting the links with the Labour Party as it now stands, that the NUPE delegation left the hall, to hold an emergency meeting to cast their vote against, and the T&G switched against.

The final vote in favour of 15 was 5.815 million to 3.999 million votes. If the T&G and NUPE had stayed in favour then Composite 15 would have received over 8 million votes to just over 1½ million against.

This is the real measure of the weakness of the left both in political and' organisational terms.

The barren opposition to Composite 15 without counterposing any alternative will be the basis not of continuing moves towards greater democratisation of the Labour Party, but of efforts by all wings of the union bureaucracy to push the Party back towards being a 'loyal' opposition, with its left wing purged and its constitution turned back to control by the Parliamentary Labour Party.

The lessons of TUC '83 are that the rank and file of

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TUC Congress How to fight

ice workers' union CPSA. This is his report (writing in a personal capacity). the public the unfair and im-

vote on Composite 15, was how close the new right wing