Peronists lose Argentine elections

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THE Radical Party won the general election in Argentina on October 30 with 52% of the vote. Its vote was even higher in the big industrial cities like Buenos Aires (65%) and Cordoba (56%).

In the last general election, in 1973, the Radicals scored only 21%.

They were Argentina's first real political party, emerging as a middle-class reform movement against the landowning oligarchy in the late 19th century, and ruled from 1916 to 1930.

But in the economic chaos of 1930 they were ousted by the military. And after World War 2 they were marginalised by the rise of Peronist nationalism.

The Radicals' current revival seems in some ways similar to that of the Liberals in Britain: an old party which has been an 'outsider' for long enough that it can now present itself as new.

On substantive questions the Radical manifesto was very little different from the Peronist. Both called for renegotiation of the foreign debt, and struck a nationalist stance; both promised improved welfare services and economic expansion; both called for an amnesty for political prisoners and an investigation of the activities of the military since 1976.

The Radical presidential candidate, Raul Alfonsin, even romas Raul Alfonsin ist rule, in 1973-6, which was accompanied by an anti-Left and anti-Semitic terror campaign as well as economic chaos.

The Radicals' anti-militarist stance is largely a fake: according to Le Monde, in 1976 Radical leaders knew about the coming military coup in advance and endorsed it. But the election result certainly shows a strong anti-militarist mood in the Argentinian working class, and a reaction against the nationalism of the South Atlantic war.

The problem is that socialists in Argentina have not been able to build on that mood. With the two main trade union confederations under Peronist leadership, the Communist Party and some other groups supported the Peronists in the election, while the would-be Trotskyist 'Movement Towards Socialism' has made Argentina's 'Second Independence' its leading slogan.

The catastrophic economic situation - unemployment at 25%, inflation variously estimated between 300% and 900% per year, a foreign debt of $40 billion, and only enough liquid foreign reserves to cover one month's imports - means that Radical rule is unlikely to be stable.

But unless the working class can reorient and find an independent programme, the military will be able to recover from their acute disarray and make a comeback.

rry Sloan EVEN before the dust settles on the latest US military adventure - the invasion of Grenada the fragile framework of lies put out by Reagan as justification of his intervention has begun to fall apart.

Abi. doned within hours was the claim that the US sent in the marines to "protect US lives" No lives were ever in danger except from US artillery, and Reagan soon switched emphasise the claim that he had -PLANTU ni.a. ind used by Johnson: every ol f them proved to be false.

In the aftermath of th avasion, Johnson's stol witched from "rescue" to th "ppression of an immine ‹ immunist takeover". Subs went to this eye wwn wo tok o a ureat" or even a "possiblity"

Three weeks after the landin ohnson came out openly arg 1g a vinst the principle of nos itervention - and in effe etting the scene for the escal on of the Vietnam war.

A precedent to Reagan

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/10 Harry