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unions, and specifically fear drastic consequences from juse of the law, among Tories l among bosses.

Is recently as December Il, both the Institute of sonnel Managers and the ir of International Harvesters re attacking what is now the 12 Employment Act. Twelve inths before the British Instie of Management was stating it they want a climate in which y can work with responsible de unionists to attack and come the problems which holding us back. "Managers are not looking for jolesale changes in the law, i in no way are they seeking attack legitimate trade union hts."

The TUC's retreat, following ! June election, changed that iod, both in the boardrooms I in the Tory Party.

Jespite Murray's pleadings, : Queen's Speech announced rew trade union bill dealing b the political levy, internal on democracy and ballots pre industrial action. hreats of more of the same r strikes in essential services e bruited.

rd file LEN Murray, of course, has helped sabotage struggles tefore - from the seamen's strike in 1976 to the ASLEF dispute in 1982.

What was new was his willingness to publicly denounce the decision of a TUC committee. And this from a "civil servant' , a functionary - a man who, unlike most General Council members, has never been elected by anyone.

The first and most obvious lesson of the NGA dispute is that we need new leaders. We need to clear out the old gang.

The second is that we need to deepen the struggle for accountability and union democracy.

And the third is that it will be an uphill fight.

It would be a grave mistake to let the TUC lefts off the hook. Yes, the right have an inbuilt majority. The EPOC decision would not even have happened if four absentees had turned up.

But why was it left to Clive Jenkins alone to denounce Murray? Why did not one left leader launch a fight to bring members out in support of the NGA?

It was difficult, yes: but why did nobody even try? The only direct action came from SOGAT, which instructed its members not to cross NGA picket lines if the one-day strike came off.

What did the lefts do to counter the incessant antiNGA propaganda on the TV and in the papers by Murray and Graham and Duffy?

The level of their contribution was only slightly caricatured by TGWU representative Larry Smith who argued that the problem was that the judges had incorrectly interpreted the law and that the NGA were in reality doing nothing illegal!

And even now, rather than drawing out the lessons of the поав OTT tions' A bitter lesson of the dispute is that whilst the lefts are prepared to go an inch further than the right wing, they are not prepared to launch a struggle to defend basic trade union rights.

Where, at the height of the dispute, was Moss Evans? he was walking side by side with his "opponent" Len Murray into a meeting with the Tories and the employers at the National Economic Development Council. And the Financial Times reported: ... the left wing general secretary of the TGWU called for more top level contact between unions and employers."

What about the NGA leaders? I think it is wrong to lump Joe Wade and Tony Dubbins together with Len Murray, as the Socialist Workers Party did: ''The treachery of Len Murray and the cowardice of Joe Wade and Tony Dubbins have given the Tories a victory they could not have expected. " (SW 864).

We think the NGA should have maintained the mass picketing and maintained the national one day strike. That. would have provided a far better chance of beating Murray and of THE measure of Murray's behaviour in dark December can be seen in the bouquets lavishly tossed his way by the gutter press.

"A great day for democracy" crowed the Sun. 'We have first to salute Mr Murray. Had not the TUC general secretary taken. his lonely courageous stand on Monday night, the NGA print union would have stopped yesterday's paper in detiance oi the courts Even Employment Minister Tom King found time to congratulate Murray on saving the unions from disaster, and in the Commons on December 15 Mrs Thatcher herself praised Murray's "courageous action" in supporting the use of her laws against a TUC affiliate.

In the midst of this cockerow of congratulation from Capital, any Judas with a residual ember of class consciousness would have felt a spark of shame.

Not so Murray. for his betrayal was neither sudden nor recent.

Even in its specific form it could be seen coming a long time ago.

In the last weeks a lot has been made of the decisions on fighting the legislation at the TUC Special Conference of Executives at Wembley in early 1982, and how Murray and the General Council have departed from the policy agreed there.

It is true that at the Special Conference the air was filled CHANG winning the dispute.

We would have preferred an all-out national print strike.

But the NGA leaders - alone, deserted by the TUC, with the union's assets sequestrated -cannot be equated with Murray, or even with the feeble TUC 'lefts'.

Despite the TUC betrayal, moves continue to pursue the dispute. The meetings between left unions and the plans for demonstrations should be fully supported. Anything which can bring together even those who are prepared to go an inch beyond Murray is to be welcomed. Anything which can crack the stranglehold of the right over the movement is to be welcomed vigorously. E THE Nonetheless, industrial action, and only industrial action, can win this dispute.

We have suffered a defeat. It would be fatal to ignore that. It would also be wrong to underestimate the scale of the defeat.

The Tories and the employers are more confident than ever. The most right wing, do-nothing strands in the trade union leadership are strengthened. Rank and file activists are disgusted and disheartened.

But the defeat must be seen in proportion.

A small minority have learned a great deal in the last few weeks, about the role of the state, about class law, about the TUC leadership. For some, their hatred of the TUC is produçing anger, not demoralisation.

The Dimbleby Newspapers NUJ chapel are maintaining their strike despite the TUC sellout and despite the NUJ's consequent withdrawal of support.

The loyalty and determination of the ordinary members of the NGA show that leadership can still receive a firm response.

When they started their dispute, the Dimbleby NUJ chapel were sure that they were entering a long battle. They were not sure they could win.

They voted unanimously for industrial action and immediately after the dispute four other members of staff joined the NUJ and the dispute.

That is the sort have to build on.