The socialism of the IRSP

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rth SOME WEEKS ago we reported the interview with the man believed to be chief of staff of the Irish National Liberation Army, Dominic McGlinchey, published by Magill magazine.

In this he admitted that one of the guns used in the sectarian killings at Darkley Pentecostal Church belonged to the INLA. (The RUC has already established that). We also reported that the Irish Republican Socialist Party, the INLA's parallel political organisation, had denounced the killings.

The new issue of the IRSP's magazine, "The Starry Plough' carried a front-page condemnation of the Darkley killings and an interview with MeGlinchey. For reasons of being fair to the IRSP, whose members sincerely want to fight for socialism, we print excerpts from their editorial statement and from MeGlinchey' s interview.

However, socialist intentions are not the same as effective socialist politics.

The reader should remember two things. First, that McGlinchey's business is the 'armed struggle'; and his political opinions concern the affairs of a different dimension of the movement. What bearing these opinions may have on the business of the INLA is not at all clear. They belong to a different 'stage' of the anti-imperialist struggle.

Second, that the political framework for all the generally good IRSP sentiments about women's rights, socialism, etc., is the broad anti-imperialist front" (mentioned by McGlinchey). Socialism is equated with anti-imperialism, and anti-imperialism with the military struggle in the North. Even though McGlinchey recognises that imperialism in Ireland is as much a matter of US and EEC economic interests as of British troops, the fight against those troops is seen as pivotal.

Sectarianism is identified exclusively as a creation of Britain - and the answer to sectarianism, therefore, is once again the military struggle in the The Protestant workers are seen not in social, class terms, but almost exclusively as a catspaw of Britain and as the embodiment of sectarianism.

By a process of redefining terms, therefore, non-sectarian socialism is equated (in terms of immediate activity) with narrow nationalist militarism, incapable of laying any basis for 'Britain acts as a policeman for imperialism existed for a year with both police forces looking for me. That I have been able to do that shows the great support that exists for freedom among the people. It is obvious that support exists.

How do you view Loyalism?

It' 's founded on the basis of maintaining marginal privileges over nationalists. Its basis is anti-democratic.

Republicans offer equality to all. If Loyalists cannot be content with equal rights in a class unity. Recklessness in relation to the Protestant workers is justified in terms of political intransigence against Loyalism.

Conversely, sections (at least)

of the Southern constitutional nationalist party, Fianna Fail (which has been the major party of the Southern Irish bourgeoisie for 50 years) are allies against imperialism. The IRSP called in effect for a vote for Fianna Fail 'anti-imperialists' in the 1982 elections in the South.

Thus the 'socialist' element becomes a matter of sentiments, aspirations, and faith in the nationalist struggle somehow growing over' into socialism.

The immediate practice is nationalist — or even, by means of defining the Catholics as the nationalist community', Catholic communalist.

How do you categorise Counties?

It is a typical neo-colony. Formal political independence was given to the Free State but economic control does not lie with Fitzgerald and Co., it lies elsewhere. Initially it was Britain which held control but that has now passed to the EEC and US imperialism. Have you any messages that you would like the Starry Plough to convey?

First to thank all who aid the struggle for unity and socialism in Ireland.

Secondly, to salute the prisoners and to remind them to use the time to raise their own consciousness and to develop their political education.