Lech Walesa's manifesto

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police-state systems in Eastern Europe, the Soviet Union, China, ete. Its discussions and debates are therefore of great importance to How Solidarnose and its leaders saw the world and analysed their own specific oppression; what they proposed to do about it, and what they would put in place of Stalinism - these vital issues were and are being tackled by Solidarnose militants who have no ready-made answers, operating in conditions where they have felt they had to tailor their ideas to the reality of Poland's domination by the USSR.

That 'self-limitation' was central: Solidarnosc could have smashed Polish Stalinism after August 1980, in the great days of the Gdansk soviet. It was the certainty of a Russian invasion in that event which deflected the Polish workers into trying to coexist with the Polish clients of the USSR who imposed martial law in December 1981.

The following speech was delivered by Leck Walesa in Gdansk, speaking from the base of the monument erected at the shipyard fates in memory of the striking workere shot down by the regime in It is a clear statement of a reformist perspective. Overshadowing it is the all-pervading awareness that Poland is not master of its own destiny, and does not possess self-determination.

To us the lesson of the 18 months between the mass strikes of 1980 and martial law in 1981 seems to be that reform of this system is not possible; that any form of independent labour movement is incompatible with Stalinist rule; that an anti-bureaucratic revolution is therefore necessary, and that the anti-bureaucratic workers' revo.

POLAND'S Solidarnose is so far the only independent labour movelution in each and every country of Eastern Europe must take as one ment which has grown up in a Stalinist state. It is the tip of the great of its central programmatic goals the overthrow of USSR overlordiceberg of vast millions of workers submerzed under the Staliniat The Polish socialist Edmund Baluka (above, with his wife Francoise and son Mikail) has been on hunger strike, together with eight other prisoners at Barczewo jail, since early December. Baluka is demanding the rights of a political prisoner, refusing to wear prison uniform, and demanding the right to receive a visit from his wife and his son.

The monument dedicated to December 1970 is not only a symbol to the workers' struggle for bread and freedom. It is also a reminder of the need for future work so that workers' efforts are not destroyed. Today, three years aiter a glimmer of hope -the dedication of the monument - we are forced to state that the existence of our families is endangered. Problems of food and of health have become a part of our daily existence.

The ruling teams have changed during the decades; the way of speaking to the people has also changed. In 1956, they condemned the delinquency of the workers. Today they are asking for forgiveness for the butter (rationed since early November). What will they tell us after they increase food prices (increases of between ten and fifty per cent announced for early 1984)? We will not have much more butter or more bread just because they ask for our forgiveness.

The most disturbing situation 1s that confronting underprivileged groups; family allowances are diminishing. It is unjust and false to speak of the large income of farmers in order to justify the increase in food prices. This is aimed at splitting the farmers and the workers. Aid to agriculture is still needed for the entire economy, for all of us.

Of course, it is possible to blame everything on Western sanctions. It is clear, however, that their removal will not solve all the economic problems, though it will help the authThe August 1980 agreement orities.

At this difficult time for our country, the following aspects must be taken into account so that we do not experience one crisis after another. It is surprising that those who govern our country have learned nothing and that after periods of relative liberalisation, they have now reverted to the old methods of governing.

Name of socialism

The past two years have demonstrated the authorities' capacity to destroy all independent associations and, in contrast, their inability for constructive action. Not a single socio-political problem has been resolved. There have been no improvements in the economy. In politics, only the names have changed. And all of this is taking place in the name of the reconstruction of socialism.

Become a supporter of the Socialist Organisar Alliance - groups are established in most large towns. We ask £1.50 a the international labour movement. ship in this area.

The fundamental question is the following: can socialism be built without the workers and against them?

Today the free trade union movement and all independent movements are being strangled. This is not to say that 'Solidarnose' has abandoned its ideals. They must be recalled.

First, I would like to speak of the problems of public life. The point of departure for our country's rebirth must be the social accords of August 1980, a great constitution of the workers. These accords embody the essential elements of renewal. Monopolies in the social and economic spheres are blocking our existence, they are causing the poor functioning of the state administration.

The accords of August 1980 were based on realistic principles. They respected the leading role of the party and of the state linked to a broader international political system which cannot be modified given the state's intermechanism would be assured by the parliamentary system. It is not my role to draw up legislation although a national agreement should lead to a resolution of this problem.

The socio-economic monopoly precludes the implementation of an economic reform. I cannot imagine the economy functioning efficiently without three conditions:

ion of the economy from the • separating the administra state and political administration, • The establishment of strong independent social organisations and trade unions counterbalance the administration, and • Finally, competition between enterprises.

With respect to trade unions, we cannot relinquish the August agreements. Indeed, it is a political manoeuvre to claim that they have been implemented.

Opportunity for rebirth It was not the government, but the striking workers who won the right to form their free and independent trade unions, and they will therefore formulate their programmes of action.

However, the authorities prevented us from doing this, in violation of the August 1980 agreements and of the international conventions, just like the 19th century capitalists did. Trade unions are a social force in all developed countries. 'Solidarnosc' represents an opportunity for the rebirth of our country. Without it, we face many years of political stagnation.

We are not guilt-free. Howerer, Solidarnose never sought to monopolise trade union activities. We need the branch and autonomous unions (previously official, now banned) as compettion, as a means of control.

Agreement with them is still possible. Concrete evidence of this is our joint appeal for trade union pluralism addressed to the Seim (Parliament) on May 6.

Those who join the new trade unions today, must answer the following questions: do they have the right to belong to monopolistic unions without giving other unions the right to speak out? Do they. have the right to benefit from privileges at the expense of their colleagues? Do they have the right to break the front of workers' solidarity?

On this occasion, I would like to express my thanks and my admiration to all of those who remained faithful to the ideals of Solidarnosc, in liberty and in prison.

Workers' self-government is a complex problem. There are enterprises where self-government functions well and fights for workers' rights; but there are those where workers allow themselves to be manipulated.

There are also many enterprises where workers, devoid of hope, do not want to have self-government at all.

However, self-government must have a place in every reformed political system. The workers themselves must decide whether conditions in their enterprises permit the creation of self-government bodies.

We all realised that the fate of our families and of all Poland depends on our work. Our movement always favoured good work. We interrupted work only to ensure that it would be honest and good, and so that its effects would not be destroyed.

Resolution of social conflict and an independent judiciary: experience shows that it is not possible to avert difficult conflicts when the system of power protects its monopoly. If the independence of certain groups is not respected by the authorities, none can play the role of mediator or arbitrator, a role which must be played by the judges.

Independent judiciary Experience shows that judges are rarely allowed to take on this role, and those who have shown courage have been the victims of repression. We must demand an independent judiciary as well as honest judges, with authority and with legislative guarantees.

When there was insufficient convincing proof to convict our 11 colleagues whose trial was announced with great fanfare, the government proposed a 'humanitarian' gesture - voluntary banishment - by-passing the courts and the law.

We, whom the authorities are trying to place outside the law, must demand respect for the law - even though its hands of iron are aimed at us. The law must mean justice. And for this reason we will demand all possible forms of control over the judiciary and the police.

For an honest dialogue to take place, all sides must have the right of equal access to the media. The sovereignty of citizens is the state's guarantee. The sovereignty of the state is the citizens' guarantee of their freedom and dignity.

The monument commemorating December 1970 is neither a symbol of vengeance nor of hatred, but rather of an agreement between the rulers and the rules. The whole of the Solidarnose movement always struggled peacefully in favour of human rights in Poland.

We remain faithful to dialogue and to agreement and that is the reason why the Nobel Prize, which was awarded to me, was, I believe, awarded to Solidarnosc. And I am therefore entitled to say: Fellow Poles, friends, colleagues, I congratulate you for the Nobel Peace Prize.

These are difficult times. Nobody has ready-made solutions for the future. We must live honestly, link courage with balance and remain faithful to our ideals. In other words, we must maintain our solidarity.

In 1984, the fate of Solidarnose will depend on the elaboration of four chapters:

• state and party administration.

• self-government, • trade unions, • the judicial system.

For the time being, we can only work on small programmes, each one suited to the moment. At the appropriate time, I will speak out in greater detail.

I would like the other topics to be better prepared, for myself and for all of us, for a peaceful victory of Solidarnosc, based not on a takeover of power, nor on a battle with the authorities, but rather on the choice of the best programme. For better preparation and better training will mean an easier victory. From 'Voice of Solidarnosc' January 12 1984. (30p from 314. 320 Grays Inn Road, London WCIX 8DP. Phone 01-837 9464).

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