The state of Irish solidarity

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"WE must break the conspiracy of silence surrounding this undeclared war."

Jeremy Corbyn MP was speaking last week at a public meeting held by Southampton Irish Solidarity Committee and attended by around 50 activists.

This meeting was unusual in bringing together in one room representatives of most of the trends in the Irish sol: idarity movement, such as it is, in Britain. It is therefore worth reporting and examining in some detail.

Throughout the Six Counties, Corbyn continued, Catholics were facing surveillance of 'big brother' proportions. In Belfast, for example, an especially high profile was taken by British troops.

State terrorism via methods of internment, the Prevention of Terrorism Act, Diplock Courts, shoot-to-kill, and now 'supergrass justice' was systematically applied in the attempt to smash republicanism.

But, said Corbyn, it was important to realise that political motives behind the imperialist presence had not remained static. British governments feared the possibility of a non-aligned, selfdetermined Ireland outside NATO.

The last Labour Party conference had confirmed the policy of a united Ireland by consent'. But any removal of the Protestant veto first required a complete British political/military withdrawal, he said. Active working class solidarity with this ongoing struggle was a key factor in the cause of Irish unity.

Delegations from the Northern Irish Catholic community were now on a speaking tour of the UK to counter the vicious class propaganda of press and media, explained Corbyn.

Speakers from SISC stated that support for the lrish struggle was a critical test for the English workers' movement. This view was justified with copious quotations taken from Marx and Lenin.

SISC implicitly counterposed IRA-style militarism to revolutionary self-activity of the Irish working class.

Another ultra-left sect, the RCG, rejected Corbyn's view from the platform. Membership of NATO was not the issue ... what the Tories really feared was the 'incipient Irish people's revolution'.

Labour Committee on Ireland strategy was then briefly outlined by three Socialist Action supporters. The LCI was an important vehicle in fighting to commit Labour to a principled class position on Ireland. It stood for British withdrawal, and end to partition and repeal of the PTA.

A none-too-popular issue was raised by a supporter of Socialist Organiser. A fight for unity with the Protestant working class must surely be intrinsic in any struggle for Irish self-determination. Did this political view hold any significance for either of SISC or LCI, he asked.

The silence was deafening.

Of the rest of the left, Militant studiously ignored the meeting (though one supporter did turn up) while the SWP declared that they didn't want to get involved with guilt-ridden sectarians.

Those present finally stood in silent respect for IRA fighters killed that day.

NFORMATIONI BULLETIN FRANCE's public sector workers will strike this Thursday and Friday (8th-9th).

The strike has been called over pay, following union rejection of an offer from civil service minister Anicet le Pors, a Communist Party member.

Le Pors' trade union comrades in the CP-led CGT federation are calling a one-day strike on the 8th: this trick of being on both sides simultaneously in an industrial dispute has been performed many times by the CP since CP ministers joined the government in 1981.

The teachers' union federation FEN is also calling for a strike on the 8th, and Force Ouvriere (a smaller federation which is usually on the right wing of the trade union movement) has made an uncharacteristically militant call for a 48 hour strike on the 8th and 9th.

The Socialist-leaning CEDT federation has not yet called any action.

French miners have also been on strike recently in AL French workers demonstrate against job cuts ATAVNALINUVIY