Our time

Scan page 4

WOMEN are now facing an escalating attack on their independence. Mass unemployment is hitting women disproportionately and their right to claim benefit is continually under question. Women are being forced back into the home to care for the old, the very young and the disabled, for whom the state is increasingly unwilling to take responsibility.

In this climate, it is not surprising that women's abortion rights are, yet again, coming under attack.

Following the recent report of the Royal College of Obstetricians and Gynaecologists, a group of anti-abortion MPs tabled a motion urging the full implementation of the 1929 Infant Life (Preservation) Act and are actively lobbying in support of this attempt to further restrict the time limit within which abortions may be performed. (This applies only to England and Wales).

At the recent National Abortion Campaign conference on abortion rights and facilities it was decided that this new and continuing threat must be the subject of an intensive and vigorous campaign against restrictions on a woman's right to choose. At the same time, we must take account of the possibility of further legislative measures against abortion rights in the near future.

The present controversy surrounding time limits is simply a back door attempt to deprive women of the rights gained with the passing of the 1967 Abortion Act — an Act which anti-abortionists have failed to reverse through direct challenges.

Under the Infant Life (Preservation) Act 1929 it is an offence to carry out an abortion on a foetus which is capable of being born alive - the legal term is viability. Those anti-abortion MPs now pressing for full implementation want all maternity hospitals, NHS abortion units and 'approved places' (those licensed to do abortions prirately to be, circulated reminding them of the Act and explaining the implications of tiability:

The RCOG report is not specifically about time limits - it is an investigation into Two pamphlets summing up the ideas of Socialist Where We Stand - 20p plus 16p postage. 'How to fight the Tories' - 10p plus 16p postage. Or the two together for 45p including postage. From Socialist Organiser. 28 Middle Lane, London A the extent and causes of late abortions. The findings of the report are being manipulated and abused to suit the arguments of the anti-abortion lobby.

'Viability' has previously been defined as 28 weeks. It is now proposed that viability is nearer 24 weeks - an extremely restrictive definition based on potential advances in medical science. Anti-abortionists argue that at viability a woman has no right to choose to terminate her pregnancy.

To allow for margins of error and because of fear of prosecution, doctors tend to play safe in calculating pregnancy and the actual limit imposed could be lower than 24 weeks.

Desperate The number of women seeking late abortions is small -in 1982 of the 162,797 terminations carried out in England and Wales only 102 were performed after the 24th week of pregnancy — less than 1%.

Women seeking late abortions are usually in desperate need. Their reasons include mistaken symptoms (e.g. mistaking pregnancy for the menopause), the fear and ignorance of young women (over 50% of women who have abortions after 19 weeks are • JOCKI ORGANISEI How to fight the Tories Thezon Where Te we stand agi the Party Fight ORGANISER for policies! National Abortion Campaign.

under 20) and delays in the results of tests for foetal abnormality. One important category of women seeking late abortions are those who have come up against the deficiencies in the provision and organisation of NHS facilities which cause avoidable delays.

The decision to have a late abortion is distressing. Stricter enforcement of time limits will further complicate and compound this distress and force more women into the private sector.

NAC's policy has always been that there should be no legal or medical restrictions on the availability of abortion. A woman's right to choose whether or not to continue a pregnancy is a principle that is not compatible with upper time limits, even if the foetus is viable.

The assumption underlying the right of the state to impose any limitation on abortion presupposes that women cannot make basic decisions for themselves, but must have 'morality' imposed upon them. This can only be justified by a particularly chauvinistic attitude towards women, or by antichoice, anti-democratic arguments.

Enforcement of time limits legislation will not prevent the need for late abortions -women will be forced to seek illegal terminations or continue unwanted pregnancies.

The February 1984 NAC conference on abortion rights and facilities was the starting point for an intensive national campaign around the issue of time limits. This will be a positive stimulus to going on the offensive to fight for expansion of and improvements to abortion rights and facilities within the NHS. Campaigning will be around the following demands:

*Improved sex education for all voung people - an end to restrictions on birth control information on TV.

*Better contraception facilities, availability of early pregnancy testing, counselling and advice.

*Positive changes in the law for the provision of legal abortions for all who need them, in addition to full implementation of the 1967 Act.

*Changes in the kind of provision of abortion facilities available including accessible walk-in facilities and day-care clinics attached to hospitals.

*Wider publicity of all abortion and contraceptive facilities including advertising on television, radio and public transport.

*Access to sufficient and adequate facilities that will provide free, safe and legal abortions for all women who wish to exercise their right of choice.

*No medical personnel to be in positions where they can impose their views on women seeking advice or services — including racist doctors who pressurise black women into have abortions they may not want.

Needs

Only the above measures can reduce the number of women seeking late abortions — a change in the law will not change women's needs. NAC is inviting other organisations concerned with women's rights to join with us in this campaign.

We are producing petitions, leaflets, a pamphlet, organising and supporting local campaigns. This does require a lot of resources and we need affiliations, donations and standing orders from individuals, constituency Labour Parties, Women': 's Sections, Trades Councils, trade union branches, student unions, women's groups and other pro-choice organisations.

NACs special conference newsletter contains papers from the conference, lots more information, petitions. Send 30p and sae for a copy and details of membership to NAC. 47 Waldram Park Road, London SE23. (Phone: 01993 2071 By Russell Profitt, secretary, Labour Party Black Sections Steering Group ONE of the oddest facts of life is that most white people become uneasy, in some cases positively terrified, as soon as they see or hear of two or more black people getting together to possibly discuss, or, worse still from their point of view, to plan ways of combatting racism. When we meet specifically to counter the racist consequences of working or existing within institutions over which white people have total control, then white paranoia often becomes hysterical.

To be honest, having always lived with racism and therefore accepted - however reluctantly — racist definitions of situations, even some black people find such events unacceptable. "How" ' they may ask, "can we possibly create racial change by working outside the context of a mixed race situation?"' In answer to this it needs, first of all, to be emphasised that some generations after the arrival of large numbers of black people in Britain, racism continues to remain a rite and rampant feature of everyday life.

Outrage

Such a reality is not only an outrage, but to many of us demands that action be taken to bring about change. And this, given the fact that black people are not at all sure that the established political framework has any relevance whatsoever to them, plus the reality of racism in the Labour Party and trade unions generally, explains why several of us are now working towards the creation of Black People's Sections in the Labour Party and in the trades unions, which would lead to direct black peoples' representation at every level, locally, regionally and nationally of the Labour Party and of trade unions.

The essential issue such developments are attempts to address is whether racism can be effectively countered if the only avenue oftered as an alternative is the very racist institution, with its inbuild racist majority, is a target in need of change. Seen in this way, surely Black People's Sections must be a welcome development and one which deserves the whole-hearted support of all who are seriously concerned to see the creation of genuine racial equality.

Minorities

Parallels exist of course -Women's Sections being a case in point. But it ought not to be forgotten, as history shows, that the most effective way in which change is ever brought about is through basing action on the solidarity and collective strength of rganised and dedicated 'minorities' , working purposefully towards specified objectives.

Added urgency in the present situation derives from the fact that black people are no longer prepared to accept that 'our time' is coming. To many of us 'our time' is not only long overdue. bui seems ever suppressed by circumStances. or often because of complicity.

The message coming from the black community is that black politicai activists must become more organised and more determined, in order that real charges be made. The efforts of black political activists at Brighton to get Composite 28 on 'Positive Discrimination' on the Order Paper was, therefore, not yet another case of bandwagon jumping by failed political mavericks though in some cases it should be seen as such — but much more a case of black people recognising the fact of racism in political life and doing something about it.

Fringe

At Brighton, we also ran, possibly for the first time, a black activists-organised fringe meeting, well attended and at which several key issues were raised. These are now being followed up.

The Westminster North Black Section initiated meeting. held at Herbert Morrison House last September, led to the setting-up of a steering committee which was asked to consider how Black People': Sections could be created within the Labour Party.

That committee, which has mel on several occasions, is now organising a national conference, which is to be held at Digbeth Hall, Birmingham, on Saturday 9 June, starting at 10.00 a.m. This meeting. which will be open to all black members of the Labour Party, will discuss and try to sort out the best way to proceed.

Clearly, as black people living in a racist, white dominated and majority populated society, we know that in the end many of the changes we desire must be discussed and brought about within a mixed race context.

Radical

In any event, as socialists, we too wish to see urgent and radical action taken to put an end to private schools, private health care, class privilege, exploitation at work, Thatcherism/Reaganism, the nuclear arms race, as well as positive action taken to create equality of opportunity for all. That, after all, is why we joined the labour movement in the first place and why we wish to see it grow from strength to strength.

What, however, we do recognise, and we hope white comrades also will, is the fact that black people's perceptions and understandings of situations often require considerations outside of the totally mixed race context on every occasion, particularly if these are not to be misunderstood or misdirected - as if often the case — before they are given a proper chance to see the light of day.

Arising from such a recognition therefore, we hope that support for the idea of Black People's Sections will follow.

We're not helped, at this embryonic stage, by negative noises about Black Sections from the Labour leadership -noises which preempt the work which starts today of the NEC working party we were promised six months ago.

Scan page 5

-NOLS confi Labour students in chaos Tons C DITS He STUDENTS G SHE DOES, H. STUDENTS WHILE the miners' strike is going on and Liverpool Council are organising to take on the Tories over rate-capping, an outsider might well expect the annual conference of Labour Students to work out how to win students to active support of these struggles.

But unfortunately the conference wasn't centred around the class. struggle. Instead, the Labour Students conference was closed by John Dennis, the Labour Party's person responsible for NOLS, after an allegation of ballot-rigging.

The conference was very tightly balanced. Clause Four, now in an alliance called Democratic Left, did not have an overall majority over the combined forces of Militant, Socialist Students in NOLS and the handful of independent votes. There was the possibility of either a split National Committee being elected or an alternative slate winning all the positions. Such a slate was agreed between Militant and Socialist Students in NOLS, not because we agree with Militant but because it is politically necessary to take control of NOLS out of the hands of the Democratic Left. Our candidates were Bryn Griffiths from Labour Briefing, for vice-chair, and Socialist Organiser supporter Clive Bradley for publicity officer.

Jane Ashworth contróllable. Democratic Left supporters walked out and some delegates tried to stop them leaving. The behaviour of Militant supporters, whatever the rights and wrongs of the chair's ruling, was well outside the traditions and tolerance of the labour movement. A delegate later tried to justify their behaviour with an analogy to stopping seabs crossing picket lines!

Socialist Students in NOLS supporters stayed in the conference to discuss tactics for the morning and beyond. Militant said they wanted an NEC inquiry. At no time did we see the spare ballot-paper - we didn't know if Militant were telling the truth. But we were certainly prepared to listen to their allegations, because we are against rigging and because we know from similar past experiences that it is certainly with the Democratic Left's political repertoire to fix conferences.

But we wanted proof, we wanted to know that the offending ballot paper (which was the only tangible evidence, the rest being hearsay) actually did exist and was a valid paper.

Ultimatum

' In the morning when conference restarted, John Dennis issued an ultimatum: move to This being the basis of Militant's allegations to date we left the hall. As SSIN supporter Simon Pottinger from Durham explained, we were not saying that it proved the election was fair but it certainly was not evidence to the contrary and Militant had hung their entire case around that form. Another clause in the statement Militant put to the meeting denied categorically that there had been any violence the night before which we could not possibly accept.

Invalid

So now, NOLS conference was invalid. Constitutionally a conference must elect all the National Committe, not just half, and pass the accounts, which we didn't. The old, Democratic Left-controlled NC still stands and policy decisions fall — which is very lucky for the Democratic Left as policy in support of Liverpool City Council and against rate rises and cuts was passed. Socialist Students in NOLS believe that the best way to proceed, unless the inquiry upholds the charges of ballot rigging, is to reconvene the conference on the basis of the old delegates and finish conference business. Should the inquiry show the election to Hx. STUDENTS. I STUDENTS have been rigged, then obviously conference will have to be recalled. If the inquiry shows that conference was rigged before it started (phony delegates, etc) then the whole of conference procedure, should be started again with the election of new delegates.

That said, we feel that John Dennis's behaviour in closing the conference was outrageously bureaucratic. He should resign or be removed from his position as Labour Party Student Organiser. One last point. Drawing up the electoral pact with Militant meant that supporters of Socialist Students in NOLS would vote for Militant where we were not standing.

no.175 April 1984 Page 5 We had 34 delegates prepared to vote for Socialist Students in NOLS — we asked them all to vote for Militant. Some didn't. In most elections two or three didn't. But in every election Militant lost by six or more. Contrary to allegations, Socialist Students in NOLS supporters didn't rat on Militant.